Baharistan-i-Shahi – Chapter 5 – THE CHAKS
With the murder of Malik Shams Chak, the clan of Chaks fell on evil days and suffered a decline. Their disintegration touched such a low ebb that Malik Kaji Chak, Seh Chak and Serang (Sarhang ?) Chak were forced to join the service of ‘Ali Raina, son of Malik Musa Raina. For some time they served as his footmen.
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When Malik Musa Raina planned to despatch his son Malik ‘Ali to Tibet at the head of a contingent, equipment for the expedition was provided by soldiers who had the ability to pay. The Chaks were so poor that they could not pay for the required equipment for these troops; they came to Mir Shamsu’d-Din to request him for financial assistance. They had also brought along with them Serang (Sarhang ?) Chak, the son of Malik Shams Chak, thinking that he would grant them their request because of him. When they came to Mir Shams ‘Iraqi in a group of about five or six persons, they did not expect to get more than a gold coin each which, they had thought, would suffice them for paving the Tibetbound troops.
Kaji Chak patronized
Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi granted them assistance in kind to the tune of a hundred traks  of rice and fifty traks of flour and two lakhs of pool (money) in cash. He affectionately asked that Malik Kaji Chak, the prince with a clipped ear, be brought to his presence.  Malik Kaji Chak had suffered a clipped ear in the course of Malik Shams Chak’s nightassault in the battle of Sopor. Mir Shams called Kaji Chak to his presence and told him that the Omnipotent would give unto his command the government of that country; that he should adopt the path of justice and keep in mind the welfare of his people. He was also told to give his full attention to the propagation of Islam. 
Kaji Chak feared that these words might be carried to Malik Musa Raina. In confusion, he bowed his head before Mir Shams in reverence, and told him: “I take an oath upon my honour that I shall strictly abide by your dictates. Should God Almighty choose me to wield authority, I shall neither deviate from your directive nor disregard your wishes. ” Thereupon, Mir Shams ‘Iraqi lifted his big turban from his head and put it on the head of Kaji Chak, telling him that he had bestowed upon him the crown of power and government which would soon be his.
After some time, the offspring of Ibrahim Magray, whom wealth and influence had made so strong that they aspired to gain control over the government of that land, aligned themselves with some chiefs of that time, and, with the concurrence of Fath Shah, planned to destroy Malik Musa Raina. In A.H. 916 (A.D. 1510), corresponding to 89th year of Kashmiri calendar, they destroyed the bridges over the river in the city and began fighting and killing in the vicinity of the royal quarters (Daru’l-Amareh). Malik Musa Raina took position at Zaldagar, but finding that his friends and associates had completely gone back over their old promises and commitments, and had become openly hostile and taken to perfidy, he thought it advisable to flee and therefore abandoned the battlefield after a couple of days.
Malik Uthman, Dati Malik and some members of the group of Dangars, who had hitherto remained scattered over the Indian mountains, were taken into confidence by the Magrays by establishing communication and rapport with them. They marched on to Kashmir and arrived at Hirpur. In view of this, Malik Musa Raina thought it inadvisable to flee via Hirpur. The other routes were either via Tserehhar or Shamaz [sic]. But by preordination, fate and divine decree, he fell from a horse during this flight and joined the ever-lasting world.
The ministry and authority [of this land] passed into the hands of Ibrahim Magray, but this did not last beyond forty days. Shortly after, the group of Dangars whose assistance they (Magrays) had sought in winning this victory, overpowered them and took quick steps to install themselves in power and in a position of command. They succeeded in winning over most of the sirdars and rose against Malik Ibrahim Magray, who was, ultimately, overpowered and destroyed. They declared their authority over this land and the ministry passed into the hands of Malik Uthman. They decided to imprison some of the chiefs of those times in order to consolidate their authority and leadership. Two months later, Malik Kaji Chak, Jehangir Padar, and Gaday Malik joined hands with Fath Shah. In the court chamber (Daru’l-Amarah), Dati Malik and Ghazi Khan, who were dispensing justice, were murdered with dagger and knife [knives]. At that moment Malik Uthman was in the company of Fath Shah in his private apartment; he was detained and put in chains.
Fath Shah returns
Malik Jehangir Padar [now] declared his authority over the land. A month later, Malik Ibrahim raised a body of crack soldiers, equipped with effective weapons, and headed towards Kashmir. Some of the contemporary chiefs joined him. Because of this Malik Jahangir Padar and Fath Shah thought it advisable to leave the country. When they had reached Hirpur, Ibrahim Magray despatched somebody to bring back Fath Shah; Jahangir Pader and the other members of the party of Chaks continued their onward march to India.
Ibrahim Magray installed Fath Shah on the throne. Malik Kaji [Sic] Uthman was released from prison and he joined the Magrays. For the second time the office of the Chief Vizir passed into the hands of Malik Ibrahim Magray. At that time news was brought to Fath Shah from Nowshehr in India that Muhammad Shah had left his troops behind and had proceeded towards Maldayal [sic] mountains. He also learnt that, except Ibrahlm Khan, whose mention has already been made, there was none close at hand with their families and relatives. This news intensified Fath Shah’s hatred for that house; he hastened to arrange a strong force and ordered it to march towards those lands forthwith.
Fath Shah repulsed
The family members and close relatives of Muhammad Shah learnt of the movement of the troops [of Fath Shah], but they found no possibility of escaping from that place. Sayyid Ibrahim Khan unsheathed his sword and set out to meet Fath Shah. A fierce encounter took place at the village of Ghazi Kot. The brave warriors of Fath Shah realised that it was not possible to gain victory through the strategy they had adopted; and, therefore, dismissing all hopes, turned back towards the capital. Sayyid Ibrahim Baihaqi gave them a hot pursuit and all those on whom he could lay his hands were slain. Then he and his party returned to Nowshehr in India.
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After that day, he strengthened his power and authority, and owing to the power and influence that he wielded, he dominated over the rest of the nobles. Details concerning this will be given at their proper place.
Muhammad Shah reacts
A messenger brought full details of these developments to Muhammad Shah. He was told how Sayyid Ibrahim Khan heroically fought the foe and defended the locality in Nowshehr to prevent Fath Shah from entering that town and how a number of Fath Shah’s soldiers were slain in the battle. He reacted happily to this and gave fatherly affection[l2] and special favours to the state officials and chiefs of Kashmir.
Uthman’s second ministry
During the year following this event, Malik Uthman and Malik Shankar Raina joined together to oppose Malik Ibrahlm Magray and managed to secure the support of Fath Shah in this. They succeeded in imprisoning Ibrahlm’s two sons, Malik Abdal and Malik Feroz. Malik Ibrahim lelt for Poonch. With that Malik Uthman became the Chief Vizir for the second time. Malik Shankar Raina and his group gave him full support. [l3] Five months later, Ibrahim Magray in combination with a group of Chaks and Padars, who were scattered over Indian lands, proclamed Muhammad Shah as king, and entered into Kashmir via Baramulla, and encamped at Sopor. On the other side, Malik Uthman and Malik Shankar Raina took Fath Shah along with them and with a fairly large force at their command encamped by the bank of the lake (or river ?) outside the range of their arrows. At that time a musket or a gun was unknown in Kashmir.
It so happened that Mir Ahdi, the son-in-law of Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi, deserted Malik Uthman and joined the troops of Magrays. At this, Malik Uthman held out threats to Amir Shamsu’d-Din that “with God’s grace the victory will be ours and on reaching the city (of Srinagar) the first thing for me to do would be to burn you alive and then enter the city.” Mir Shams developed deep hatred for him.
Fighting in Sopor
Shortly afterwards, Uthman realized that on account of the obstruction posed by the river, it would not be possible for him to make any headway. Proud of his bravery and valour, he left behind Fath Shah and Malik Shankar Raina with their troops to confront the enemy and took the Khuihama route to make a surprise attack on them from the rear. On the other side, Lohar Magray and Regi Chak, accompanied by innumerable troops, sealed off his way by occupying the top of Bosangari hillock. When Uthman reached near them, he made a valorous attack and succeeded in defeating and repulsing them. The defeated troops somehow managed to rejoin their main force. Malik Uthman halted at the top of Bosangari for the night. The news of his occupation of Bosangari and the defeat of the troops of Magrays reached the city. When Mulla Muhammad Ganai, the tutor of Fath Shah, came to Amir Shams-u’d-Din ‘Iraqi, he asked him the latest news about his  Fath Shah. The tutor told him that the top of Bosangari had been captured, the enemy defeated, and that the victorious troops were at the hillock. Mir Shams tald him that even if he would move up to the top of the sky, God Almighty would hurl him down upon earth and not grant him freedom to oppress the helpless (faqirs).
Malik ‘Ali’s treachery
During those days there lived a very shrewd and intelligent man, Malik ‘Ali by name, in the group of Malik Kaji Chak. He sensed that Malik Uthman was in a strong position to overpower them in the battle that would be fought the following day. By nightfall he came to the bank of the lake and loudly announced like this: “I am Malik ‘Ali, the son of Mulla Husain — (illeg.). A couple of trusted men among the closest courtiers of Fath Shah may come here as I want to speak to them about something important.” When Fath Shah heard it, he ordered two or three of his trusted courtiers to proceed to the bank of the lake. Malik ‘Ali spoke these words to them in a subdued tone: “I have had the honour of being a ward of your king. It was his benevolence which lifted me high from nowhere. I want to show my goodwill towards him. Let it be known to you that Malik Uthman has been slain and his entire army has been crushed and dispersed by the troops of Kaji Chak. They have drawn a plan to ferry the troops across the lake tomorrow morning and capture Fath Shah and hand him over to Muhammad Shah. I beseech you a hundred times that this very night Fath Shah should move away to Poonch by Havel [sic] route, otherwise he will be captured. Since I have enjoyed the patronage of that houseÑhaving been brought up in itÑI cannot help showing good-will towards it.”
This story was carried to Fath Shah by persons nearest to him. He decided to set out the same night towards India via Havel taking with him a few of his belongings and leaving behind the rest. Malik ‘Ali succeeded in wrecking their (Fath Shah’s) army through his intelligence and his skill for contrivance.
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Next day, Malik Uthman learnt that the treacherous act of Malik ‘Ali had led to the destruction of the troops of Fath Shah and Shankar Raina. He was left with no alternative but to retrace his steps from Bosangari and withdraw to the city. By nightfall, he arrived at the banks of the waters of Lar[l8] which he managed to cross and then halted there for the night. At sunrise, he resumed his night towards the village[l9] — (illeg.). Malik Ibrahim Magray was unrelanting in his pursuit, ultimately, he captured him at Neev and put him in prison. Later on, he was put to death in that prison, and the fury of the flames of dervishes’ anger took a concrete shape. The chronogram denoting the year of his (Uthman’s) death is the word tarkash.
Muhammad Shah’s third term
Thus Muhammad Shah wrested the throne for himself, and for the third time, the high office of the Chief Vizir went to Malik Ibrahim Magray.  The rule of Muhmmad Shah and the ministry of Ibrahim Magray lasted nine months.
Fath Shah’s third term
After the expiry of nine months, Fath Shah turned from India towards Kashmir, but before entering it, he despatched his son Habib Khan to Mongehnar [sic]. Malik Jehangir Padar fled from Pir [sic]  to join him (Fath Shah). When Fath entered into Kashmir, most of its people rallied to his side. Malik Kaji Chak also joined him along with his troops. Muhammand Shah, Ibrahim Khan, Mir Muhammad Baihaqi and Ibrahim Magray fled to India, leaving the domain of Kashmir to Fath Shah. For the second time, the administrative authority of Kashmir passed into the hands of Jehangir Padar. Apart from the state-owned lands, Kashmir was now divided into three zones allotted each to Jehangir Padar, Malik Shanker Raina and Malik Kaji Chak.
Muhammad Shah defeated
The spring breeze from the pious breath of dervishes blew in the vernal garden (of Kashmir), and the fruit-yielding tree of the rule of Chaks began to grow. A year later, Malik Ibrahim Magray brought Muhammad Shah along with him to Kashmir. At Brengil [sic] a fierce battle took place between them [the troops of Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah] in which Ibrahim Magray and his two sons were slain; Muhamrnad Shah fled towards Poonch.
Two years after this event, Muhammad Shah went to Sultan Sikander Shah for help; he treated him with regards and courtesies befitting a king and also placed at his disposal a large force for his assistanoe. With army, he reached Rajver and encamped at Danora grounds. Malik Jehangir Padar and Malik Shankar Raina despatched a number of messengers, one after the other, to him, and through them conveyed to Muhammad Shah their promises of loyal submission and unconditional obedience. They repeatedly sent him letters in which they expressed their allegiance and submission to him. They declared that his orders and directives would become articles of faith for them. Malik Kajl Chak and Shankar Raina and Nusrat Raina separated from Fath Shah and returned to the fort of Tarsh [sic]. Malik Jehangir Padar joined hands with Fath Shah and fighting broke out between the two sides. In the fight, he (Fath Shah) suffered reverses and fled towards the mountains. This news was brought to Muhammad Shah who expressed his full appreciation of their loyalty and since submission.
It was Muhammad Shah’s considered opinion that stationing of such a large and foreign army in those lands would lead to its spoliation and desolation. Thirty thousand cavalrymen accompanied him; he sent back some of them from Danora, but some more were left behind at Rajver (Rajouri) and Danora. He picked only two thousand horsemen for his entry into Kashmir. Malik Kaji Chak and Malik Nusrat Raina preceded Muhammad Shah in order to welcome him on his arrival in Kashmir.
On arrival in Kashmir, he (Muhammad Shah) found it proper to elevate Malik Kaji Chak as the Chief Vizir of this land to the exclusion of the rest. Consequently, Malik Kaji Chak became a minister and the administrative head of the land. Malik Shankar Raina was detained. The Indian army contingents were persuaded to return home. In order to make a formal show of compliance to Sultan Sikandar, Muhammad Shah accompanied the returning troops in person upto Nowshehr and then bade them farewell. Winter had already set in and behind them lay mountains freshly covered with snow, making the passage difficult for them. Muhammad Shah was thus left with no alternative but to pass the winter at Nowshehr in India.
Kaji Chak’s victory
Taking advantage of a long winter and bitter cold, Malik Lohar Magray and Malik Nusrat Raina together raised troops and led insurrections defying the authority of Malik Kaji Chak in the fort at Nawgam. At this time Malik Jehangir Padar emerged from Kohistan (Indian mountains) and joined Malik Kaji Chak. Malik Lohar Magray and Malik Nusrat Raina now realized that an open and direct fight with the adversary would not be a judicious step, and, therefore, resolved to make a night-assault on them. Taking the enemy by surprise would perhaps yield them success. But before leaving the fort of Nowgam, Kaji Chak had received information about their impending move, and consequently he had taken all precautionary measures to foil their attempt by keeping his troops in full readiness. With the war-cries raised by the assaulting troops and the deafening tumult over the battlefield, the troops of Kaji Chak rushed out of their camps and quarters to cross swords with the enemy. On the grounds of Zaldagar, a grim and bloody battle was fought, in which many brave soldiers and warriors were wounded or killed on either side. Malik Nusrat Raina lay among the slain. Malik Kaji Chak himself received wounds in that battle and also lost one of the fingers of his right hand. On seeing that most of his associates had been either killed or wounded, Lohar Magray was forced to flee.
Thus with the blessings of God the Benevo]ent, the flower of victory and triumph blossomed in the rose gardan of the clan of Chaks. The pious breath blown by Hazrat Amir Shamsu’d-Din had brought fragrance to their clan.
When the bitter winter came to an end and the sun reappeared with its full lustre, Muhammad Shah and Sayyid Ibrahim moved into Kashmir along with their army. With the good wishes and to the pleasure of Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi, Malik Kaji Chak occupied the ministry and held the administrative authority of the kingdom. During the whole period for which he held the reins of the government, he was always guided by Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi’s instructions, directives, and commands. It was during this regime that Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi ordered Malik Kaji Chak to reconstruct the khanqah of Amir (Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani). At this time Fath Shah reigned over Kashmir. On the day they were laying out the plan of the structure of the khanqah, an altercation took place between Amir Shamsu’d-Din and Fath Shah with the result that, a few days later Fath Shah was deposed and expelled from the country. Muhammad Shah was recalled and put on the throne. Fath Shah never came back to Kashmir afterwards. Malik Shankar Raina, too, was languishing in the Indian mountains at that time. In A.H. 925 (A.D. 1519). both Fath Shah and Shankar Raina died somewhere in the mountains of India.
In the year — when Muhammad Shah was the king and Kaji Chak his vizir, the khanqah of Hazrat Hamadaniyyeh caught fire.
Massacre of infidels
One of the big tasks completed by him and one of the major commands of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad ‘Iraqi carried out by him was the massacre of infidels and polytheists of this land. It happened like this.
During the government of Malik Musa Raina, all the depraved heretics of this land had been converted to Islam. [But] with the help of some of the chiefs of this land, some of them had reverted to the customs of the infidels and polytheists. These apostates had resumed idolatory. Some of the infidels related that during the hours of offering prayers and worshipping of idols, they would place a copy of the holy Qur’an under their haunches to make a seat to sit upon. Thus idol-worshipping proceeded even while they sat on the divine book. When the news and details of these doing were brought to Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad ‘Iraqi, he summoned Malik Kaji Chak to him. Accompanied by Malik ‘Ali and Khwaja Ahmad, his two counsellors and administrators, Malik Kaji Chak presented himself before the venerable Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi, who declared to them: “This community of Idolators has, after embracing and submitting to the Islamic faith, now gone back to difiance and apostasy. If you find yourself unable to inflict punishment upon them in accordance with the provisions of sharia’ and take disciplinary action against them, it will become necessary and incumbent upon me to proceed on a self-imposed exile and in that case you shall not stand in my way at the time of my departure.”
Since the above-mentioned Malik, prior to his assumption of power and authority, had promised him that he would never deviate from or disregard his wishes and injunctions, therefore, in deferance to his wishes, he held consultations with his counsellors and administrative officers, and decided upon carrying out a wholesale massacre of the infidels. Their massacre was scheduled for the days of the approaching ‘Ashura. Thus in the year A.H. 924 (A.D. 1518), corresponding to 94th year of Kashmiri calendar, during the ‘Ashura, about seven to eight hundred infidels were put to death. Those killed were the leading personalities of the community of infidels at that time: men of substance and government functionaries. Each of them wielded influence and sway over a hundred families of other infidels and heretics. Thus the entire community of infidels and polytheists in Kashmir was coerced into conversion to Islam at the point of the sword. This is one of the major achievements of Malik Kaji Chak.
In the year A.H. 926 (A.D. 1519), Kaji Chak placed a large force under the command of his son Mas’ud Chak and sent him to capture Jehangir Padar. But Malik Jehangir received the information of Malik Mas’ud’s move in advance. He fled towards Kamaraj where he aligned himself with Gaday Malik and the people of — (illeg). In A.H. 927 (A.D. 1520), Malik Abdal, Lohar Magray and Malik ‘Idi Raina rallied round Iskandar Khan, the son of Fath Shah, and captured the fort of Nagam to lead an insurrection against Malik Kaji Chak. Jehangir Padar and Gaday Malik also appeared from Kamaraj and Drav to join hands with Iskandar Khan. They reached the pargana of Lar where Kaji Chak had despatched his son Mas’ud Chak to offer resistance to them and himself came out to confront Iskandar Khan. He went a little ahead of his son Mas’ud Chak and took position near Shihabu’d-Din Pora, where he got engaged in a fight with Gaday Malik. In the battle that ensued, Gaday Malik was slain by Malik Daulat, and Mas’ud Chak fought Jehangir Padar. By chance an arrow struck Mas’ud Chak in his eye; he fell from his horse in front of Jehangir Padar and was killed.
After killing Malik Gaday, Malik Daulat proceeded towards Lar thinking that he had emerged victorious. Both the parties [which fought each other] headed onwards in a happy and joyous mood towards Lar and did not know about the losses they had suffered.
On reaching Shihabu’d-Din Pora, Malik Daulat’s party came to know of the death of Malik Mas’ud: On the other hand, on reaching Krehmu, the troops of Jehangir Padar learnt of the killing of Malik Gaday. Malik Daulat then crossed the lake at Shihabu’d-Din Pora and joined Ibrahim Khan and Malik Tazi Chak both of whom had come to extend their support to Malik Mas’ud. They carried with them Malik Husain Raina, son of Serang (Sarhang ?) Raina, as their captive, and put him to death before heading towards the city. Jehangir Husain also set out for the city by the Lar route with the intention of crossing the lake and joining Iskandar Khan. But several attempts of his to cross the lake at a place of his choice were foiled by Ibrahim Khan, Malik Tazi Chak and Malik Daulat, all of whom had control of the opposite bank. A few days later, Iskandar Khan and his associates decided to withdraw towards India after ceasing hostilities. Malik Jehangir Padar followed suit. In this way Malik Kaji Chak rose to the heights of glory. He bestowed special favours and choicest benefactions upon Malik Daulat. He placed the office, the jagir, the harem and the establishment and household of Malik Masu’d Chak under his complete control.
In A.H. 930 (A.D. 1523), Malik ‘Ali, Malik Abdal, Malik Lohar Magray and Malik Regi raised the banner of revolt, and with the cooperation of the Magrays, Muhammad Shah and Nowroz Chak left the city and proceeded towards Lar. Finding that most of the people in the city had broken their promises and revoked their commitments and come out in open opposition, Malik Kaji Chak picked up his associates and followers and, with necessary equipment and supplies, left for the Indian mountains. The party stationed itself at Nowsher in India where it camped for some time.
At this time two of Babur Padshah’s generals, namely Kuchak Beg and Shaykh ‘Ali Beg, moved towards Nowshehr with a strong contingent of Turki soldiers with the intention of conquering Kashmir. But he (Malik Kajl Chak) collected the sturdy men of the mountains and of neighbouring areas, and stationed them on the top of Kajdari mountain to block the routes. Tazi Chak and Ghazi Khan had moved their contingents a little ahead of Malik Kaji Chak, and got involved in a skirmish with the Mughals. This was followed by a battle between them, in which Tazi Chak succeeded in killing a couple of Mughal soldiers. Ghazi Khan struck his lance at a Mughal soldier which sent him reeling down from his horse. The soldier rolled down the slope and collided with another Mughal horseman who also came hurtling down, and both of them got killed there and then. Ghazi Khan was hardly seventeen or eighteen years old at this time. He achieved fame for having killed two Mughal soldiers with a single thrust of his lance.
Kaji Chak returns
At last the Turki and the Mughal troops were defeated and the hardy men of the mountains put a large number of them to the sword down the farthest extremities of the mountains. A few months later, Malik Kaji Chak arrested Iskandar Khan because he had been responsible for inviting the Mughal army. Iskandar’s arrest by Kaji Chak prompted Muhammad Shah to revive old bonds of affection and unity with Kaji Chak and to forget their mutual rancour and animosity. Through letters he assured him of his friendship and cooperation and requested him to return to Kashmir. Thereupon Malik Kaji Chak came to Kashmir along with Iskander Khan. He was ultimately handed over to Muhammad Shah, who got his eyes gouged out. In collusion with Malik ‘Ali, a group of Magrays rose in revolt against the army [of Muhammad Shah] in the village of Kichhama, which led to hostilities between them. Muhammad Shah, Malik Kaji Chak and Sayyid Ibrahim Khan Baihaqi proceeded to fight them. The Magrays were ultimately defeated, their soldiers took to their heels and Malik ‘Ali fell a prisoner in the hands of Malik Kaji Chak.
A few months later, Malik ‘Ali, a prisoner in the house of Malik Tazi Chak, managed his escape to India. A little later, Malik Kaji Chak deposed Muhammad Shah and interned him in the perilous mountain-village called Lud along with his soldiers. Ibrahim Shah was installed on the throne in place of his father and Kaji Chak now committed himself to serving and bringing him up. Malik ‘Ali and Malik Regi Chak thought that the time was ripe for action, and, therefore, collected a large number of Magrays at Nowshehr.
Magray’s seek Babur’s help
After arriving at a decision through consulations with them, Malik Abdal Magray went to Babur Padshah to seek his help, who received him with full courtesy bestowing such special favours upon him as befitted the dignity and status of monarchs; he also issued cammands to Shaykh ‘Ali Beg and Muhammad Khan to help him. Forthwith they proceeded towards Kashmir. In A.H. 935 (A.D. 1528), the group of Magrays, in collaboration with Malik ‘Ali and Regi Chak and with the assistance of Babur’s troops entered into Kashmir via Havel  [sic]. Malik Kaji Chak learnt about their advancing columns and, therefore, marched out to meet them. They confronted each other at village Nangil in Bengil pargana. Malik Tazi Chak the backbone of their force, took the lead and attacked the enemy. As God willed it, he suffered defeat and disaster, and death tighteneld its unrelenting grip on him. This was followed by a direct encounter between Malik Kaji Chak and the Turki troops.
Kaji Chak’s bravery
The Mughal troops included a warrior, a veteran of many grim and bloody battles, and renowned in his days as the bravest of the brave. He had sustained many wounds and had won many laurels on the battlefield. From the first day of the movement of Mughal troops from Agra until the time they reached Kashmir, he had been making repeated enquiries about Kaji Chak. During the battle he sought the help of his friends to identify Kaji Chak for him. He announced that he wanted to fight that brave man to find out how much daring and courage he possessed. His challenging words had reached Kaji Chak before the actual fighting had broken out. At the moment when Kaji Chak’s troops were suffering reverses, this gallant Mughal warrior came closer to the troops of Malik Kaji Chak and said in loud words: “Who among you is Kaji Chak ? Where is he ? I want to fight him. Let him come out and let us try who is braver of the two?”
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~On hearing these challenging words of the Mughal warrior, he turned back from his retreating troops and slowly moved towards him. The latter too spurred his horse and came closer to Malik Kaji Chak. He attempted a lightening blow of his sword on Malik Kaji Chak’s head. The Malik lifted his shield to protect his head and face; with great alacrity he dodged the blow aimed at his head. Then making an offensive pass, he struck his lance at the chest of the Mughal warrior with such force that, in spite of his being clad in a coat of mail, it pierced [the warrior's chest] and came out from his back about a span, and with that he lifted him from his saddle and hurled him down on the ground, uttering in Kashmiri language  “This is the very Kaji Chak you had been looking for from Agra to Kashmir to take your life.” After uttering these words, Kaji Chak turned towards the city. The Mughal troops came to the wounded warrior. With a slender breath of life in him, he warned them that one who ventured to pursue that man (Kaji Chak) would certainly endanger his life because a fight with him would only be suicidal. The Turki soldiers looked at the condition of their fallen warrior and also at the wounds he had sustained, and gave up their attempt of pursuing Kaji Chak, though, of course, they continued with their onward march at an easy pace.
Daulat Chak’s heroism
In this battle, Malik Daulat Chak first wielded his sword to fight the enemy, but when it broke, he pulled his heavy mace out of its holder. When a Turki soldier confronted him, he struck a blow of his mace on his head which sent the soldier reeling on the ground. But in the process, the mace slipped from Malik Daulat Chak!s hand. A Mughal warrior saw that he was without a weapon and took the opportunity of striking at him with a sword, but with alacrity Malik Daulat held back the assailant’s striking hand and then wrested the sword from his grip. Since his right hand was wounded in the scuffel, he held the sword in his left hand and dealt a severe blow to the Mughal warrior. However, it did not prove fatal. As Malik Daulat had sustained many wounds in that battle, he made his way into the house of a soldier and closed the door from inside.
In this battle a number of Kaji Chak’s veteran soldiers and famous warriors like Malik Tazi Chak, Malik Serang (Sarhang) Chak and Malik Suh Chak were slain along with their followers, near ones and subordinates who had braved many a misfortune with them. In the same battle, the group of Baihaqi Sayyids, under the leadership of Sayyid Ibrahim Khan, retraced their steps among the fleeing troops of Kaji Chak and made a second daring attack on the enemy. In the encounter he (Sayyid Ibrahim) excelled as a brave warrior. With a stroke of his lance, he struck down Baba Beg –(illeg) from his horse.
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Sayyid Ibrahim’s imprisonment
These assaults caused harassment in the rank and file of the enemy, who in desperation rained arrows on him (Sayyid Ibrahim Khan). Not being able to withstand the volley of enemy’s arrows, his horse sank into the dust of the battlefield. Mir Sayyid Ibrahim fell a prisoner into the hands of the enemy.
After the Turki troops captured Malik Daulat and Ghazi KhanÑthe veterans and celebrities of the Kashmir armyÑ Malik Kaji Chak, along with a handful of his associates, succeeded in disentangling himself from the battle and turning towards the mountain range called Kakru (Ghakru).
Malik Daulat’s escape
When Ibrahim Khan and Malik Daulat Chak were being escorted to the city as captives, Malik Daulat, despite a number of wounds on his body, jumped to the bank from a boat after the evening prayers had been offered, and went to a nearby lake. His guards deployed forty to fifty boats all around the lake and searched for him till midnight. Malik Daulat Chak had hidden himself in the waters of that lake by taking cover under large leaves of waterlily, keeping only his head out of water so that he could breathe. When the search for him proved futile, the boats withdrew after midnight. Thereupon Malik Daulat came out of the lake and ran for safety. Ibrahim continued to be their prisoner.
Mughal troops leave
The victorious group triumphantly entered the city. The domain of Kashmir was divided into four parts, which they shared among themselves. Muhammad Shah was recalled from the mountains and was installed on the throne. The authority of the government and the ministry was given to Malik Abdal. With the setting in of autumn, Shaykh ‘Ali Beg and his Turki troops were permitted to proceed towards India. Malik ‘Ali accompanied them upto Nowshehr in India, where he bade them farewell and returned to Kashmir. Four persons who divided Kashmir among themselves and rapaciously appropriated their respective portions were Malik Abdal, Malik Lohar Magray, Malik Regi Chak of Kupwara and Malik ‘Ali.
In A.H. 938 (A.D. 1531), corresponding to the 17th of Kashmiri calendar, Mirza Kamran planned to occupy Kashmir. He stationed himself at Nowshehr in India, but sent a strong force of well-equipped three thousand horsemen under the command of Mahram Beg[6l] and Shaykh ‘Ali Beg with instructions to march on to Kashmir. Kashmiri nobles were left with no time to obstruct them in the mountains and to engage them in sporadic fighting in narrow passes leading into Kashmir. In this way the Turki troops entered into Kashmir unopposed and unhindered and camped in the city. Kashmiri chiefs assembled in the fort at Tsereh Vudar. Malik Kaji Chak emerged from Kakru (Ghakru) mountains and along with his sons and allies joined the Kashmiri chiefs. Mahram Beg conveyed the date of the event in the undermentioned verses to Kamran Mirza in Nowshehr (Hindustan)
chu kardam fath-e nim-e u’be tarikh
khirad gufta kih fath-e nim-e firdaws
The news of victory contained in the despatch delighted Kamran Mirza and, having been freed from all anxieties, he left for Lahore.
Kashmiri nobles assembled in large numbers at the village of Athwajan and took position on mountain heights. Mahram Beg and his troops crossed the river and engaged them in that village. In the battle that ensued a large number of soldiers on either side was slain. As God willed it, the Mughal faced reverses and, withdrawing from Nowshehr, turned towards the western quarter of the city where they had set up their headquarters. Kashmiri troops appeared on the heights of Koh-i-Suleyman and came down slowly towards the east of the city to establish their camp. There was sporadic fighting with the Mughals for some time. At last, Mahram Beg got sick of this and entered into negotiations with Kashmiri chiefs and made firm promises of peace and conciliation to tkem.
Kaji Chak and Mahram Beg meet
All the nobles [of Kashmir] assembled in the khanqah of Amir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani. Malik Kaji Chak took a boat which had been tied with ropes. From the side of the Turks, Mahram Beg also took a boat of the same kind, and both the boats were rowed simultaneously to reach the midstream. As the boats drew close, Malik Kaji Chak leapt into Mahram Beg’s boat and sat beside him. Mahram Beg was greatly delighted and felt obliged to Kaji Chak for this extraordinary gesture. They talked and deliberated for nearly an hour and then, taking each other’s leave, rowed back to their respective camps. On rejoining his party of Kashmiri nobles, Malik Kaji Chak was asked by them why he had left his boat and gone to Mahram Beg’s boat. His answer was that he felt convinced that Mahram Beg was incapable of doing him any harm because he was not as agile and clever as he himself was. This prompted him to move into his boat without entertaining any fears, he added.
A few days later, he arranged presents for Kamran Mirza and bade farewell to Turki troops, who left Kashmir via Baramulla. Malik Daulat Chak and Jehangir Magray accompanied them up to Pakhli.
It had been decided [by Kajl Chak and Mahram Beg] that Muhammad Shah would be given the state lands of Kashmir as his jagirs. Out of these a jagir was allowed to Sayyid Ibrahim Khan for his maintenance. They divided Kashmir into five zones. Kaji Chak set up his headquarters at Zenehpore. Another zone and the ministry went to Abdal Magray with his headquarters at Bengil. Malik Regi Chak stationed himself at Kamaraj. The fourth share went to Malik ‘Ali who occasionally shifted between the parganas of Ular and the village Tursh [sic]. They stuck to this arrangement for about a year.
Haidar Dughlat’s invasion
In the year A.H. 939 (A.D. 1532), Sultan Sayyid Khan came to Tibet from Kashghar. It took him some time in subjugating and plundering those areas. Meanwhile the passes leading to Kashghar got blocked. He was, therefore, forced to spend the winter in Tibet. But as Tibet did not have provisions sufficient to meet the requirements of his troops, he decided that his son Iskandar Sultan and some senior commanders proceed to Kashmir with an army under the overall command of Mirza Haidar. They took the Lar route and reached the outskirts of Kashmir. In the pargana of Lar, Kashmiri commanders suffered serious reverses at their hands, and withdrew to the fort of Hanjeek. Mirza Haidar encamped at Nowshehr and finding that the fort of Hanjeek was strong, they turned towards Maraj, where they burnt the whole city and fanned out in the entire pargana. Wherever the Turki troops halted, Kashmiri nobles also staioned themselves close to them, and pursued them with their groups. The Mughal troops indulged in large-scale killing, loot and plunder of household goods, property and other materials. They took children and womenfolk as captives to be enslaved. Unscrupulous and extremely irreligious as they were, they converted the Islamic city (of Srinagar) into enemy’s country (daru’l-harb), and considered the shedding of the blood of Muslims as lawful as ’sucking milk from one’s mother’s breast.’ The Qadi, the learned, the jurisconsults and scholars left their homes and took shelter on the island of lank. Muslim nobles, officials and chiefs approached the Qadi, the eminent doctors of religious learning, the jurisconsults and also the Sayyids for their opinion on the outrage perpetrated by the Turki hordes. They asked them as to what, according to the tenets of Islam, would be the position of a Muslim and a faithful who got killed in fighting on the side of Kashmiris and also what the Muslim law said about those of the persons who were killed on the side of the Mughals. A unanimous decree issued by the learned, the divine, the jurisconsults observed that according to the doctors of religion and [Shia'] theology, those killed on the side of Kashmiris, high or low, were to be considered as martyrs and the oppressed. [They further said that] the powerful and the overbearing who subjugate and dominate Islamic lands and subject its Muslim men and materials to wholesale rapine and plunder are usurpers according to Islamic ecclesiastical authorities and prelates. According to the religion of Muhammad their killing was not merely permissible, but necessary. It had a legal sanction and was considered an act of virtue.
Kashmiri nobles carried these decrees in their hands and bravely searched for them [the Turks] from place to place till that winter came to an end. In early spring, Kashmiri troops and Mughal soldiers clashed in the neighbourhood of the barren lands of Babul. Both sides used weapons like bows and arrows in the battle that followed. Loud war cries were raised by warriors on either side and the tumult of the striking swords virtually extinguished the life-breath of the young and the old.
[ verses ]
Kashmiri troops, who were commanded by Malik ‘Ali, came into direct confrontation with Turki soldiers, and a big battle followed. The Mughal troops, commanded by Baba Siragh Mirza and numbering about five hundred, were all armed and clad in coats of mail. Realizing that much blood would be shed in the course of fighting, Malik Ali produced the decree which had been obtained from the divines and learned men and, showing it to the people, implored them to stand witness to the fact that it was on the basis of this decree that he had taken up arms against Mughal troops. Putting the decree under his armpit, Malik ‘Ali spoke the opening words of the Islamic prayer ‘In the name of Allah, the Compassionate the Merciful.’ After this, the son of Malik Musa Raina, Malik Shaykh ‘Ali Bhat, and many other brave warriors attacked the Turks. They exhibited feats of singular courage and extraordinary valour on the battlefield and inflicted severe wounds on Mughal soldiers; the heads of many of them were cut off. A brave Kashmiri soldier struck such a deep wound on the horse of Beg [sic] Siragh Mirza that the charger was forced to gallop back to the ‘background.’ Siragh Mirza took another horse and turned to flee. Beholding that the centre of their army had started cracking, Dayam ‘Ali Beg from the right flank and Mirza Haidar from the left flank of their army, dashed out, each with about a thousand soldiers, and attacked with a total strength of two thousand strong. This was met by Malik ‘Ali, Malik Husain Raina, son of Musa and Malik Shaykh ‘Ali Bhat. Kashmiri commanders and soldiers fought with great determination and displayed their excellent fighting qualities. However, since God Almighty’s grace did not favour them, their efforts were of no avail. Despite the rare courage and prowess shown by Malik Husain Raina, son of Musa Raina, Malik Shaykh ‘Ali Bhat, and the rest of the warriors, they could not defy what was predestined; and, therefore, fell in the battlefield. Since they were the senior commanders and the backbone of their army and fell as martyrs, their soldiers turned their back on the battlefield. About a thousand and five hundred soldiers were slain in the Lidar valley through which flows the Khovurpora stream. The rest of the commanders and their troops fled the field. Malik Kaji Chak together with a party of his sons and soldiers ascended the heights near Babul slopes. Ibrahim Khan continued to resist his opponents bravely. He carried in his hand a fire-spitting sword, and excited his charger so as to make furious dashes all over the battlefield and struck blow after blow to the enemy on the battlefield.
[ verses ]
When the opponents saw that the troops of Ibrahim Khan, whose sword spat fire, had met with defeat and that he was fighting single-handed, they encircled him. But when Ibrahim Khan saw that Kashmiri troops had been defeated and had withdrawn to the barren lands of Babul, he pierced the encircling troops of the enemy and joined Malik Chak’s soldiers. The rest of the defeated soldiers also assembled at the above-mentioned heights. They held on to that elevated spot for some days till their ranks were reinforced by the defeated and dispersed soldiers in the neighbouring areas. Once again, they took up arms against the Mughals to avenge their earlier defeat.
At this time, Mirza Haidar sent  to Sultan Sa’eed Khan, then encamping in Tibet, a despatch stating that on the 4th of Sha’ban, a fierce battle had been fought with Kashmiri army on the slopes of Babul in which a large number of troops were involved. God had blessed his triumphant army with victory. The date of this victory was found by a Qadi [ or by Qadi ] in the army of Sultan Sa’eed in the epithet roz-i cheharum az mah-i Sha-ban (the fourth day of the month of Sha’ban). He incorporated the chronogram in a verse which he composed and despatched to him: 
[ verses ]
But Mirza Haidar regretted that though it was he who had composed the phrase, he had not computed the date which it yielded.
In spite of the defeat inflicted on them [ Kashmiris ] Malik Kaji Chak and all of the remaining Kashmiri commanders still ventured to harass and to create obstacles for the Turki and the Mughal soldiers. Wherever the Mughals encamped, Kashmiri commanders contrived to lay in ambush close by. The helplessness of their army was intensified by a rupture in the relations between Mirza Haidar and Dayam Ali Beg. The latter proposed truce and cessation of hostilities with Kashmiri commanders to which Mirza Haidar agreed reluctantly.
Muhammad Shah’s niece  was given in marriage to Iskandar Khan and presents and gifts were sent to Sa’eed Khan. With this they chose to withdraw by the same route in Lar which they had taken [for entering into] Kashmir.
By the time autumn set in, Kashmir was liberated from the presence and also the ravages of the Mughals. Despite the lateness of the season, farmers and peasants cultivated their fields but because of the onset of winter, crops could not ripen and corn fields were damaged. Consequently in the 41 st year, corresponding to the 10th year of Kashmiri calendar,  Kashmir suffered a severe famine, the like of which had not been witnessed by anybody in the land. Whosoever among the inhabitants of this country escaped the sword and slaughter by the Mughals found himself locked in a grim battle with starvation. Many young and old people of this land perished in the famine. A kharwar of grain was not available even for a thousand tankas.
Let it not remain unknown that after the Mughal troops quit Kashmir, her chiefs and nobles compromised to forge unity among themselves and pledged to set aside dissensions and rancour that had bedevilled their relations in the past. They now promised to respect their mutual pledges of solidarity.
Malik Kaji Chak took up his abode in Kamaraj pargana; Malik Lohar Chak dwelt in the pargana of Bengil and Malik Abdal Magray moved between the city and the parganas. This arrengement lasted a few years.
Muhammad Shah died in the year A.H. 944 /A.D. 1537, after reigning for nearly fifty-one years. In the aforesaid year, his son Sultan Shams Shah ascended the throne, but his reign did not last for more than a year, and he was succeeded to the throne by his brother Isma’il Shah in A.H. 945 (A.D. 1538).
Kaji Chak’s activities
In the preceding year (i.e., A.H. 944/A.D. 1537), Malik Kaji Chak had aligned some of the chiefs with himself and entered the city despite resistance and opposition from the Magrays, who along with Malik Regi Chak had assembled at Baramulla. Malik Kaji Chak also moved along with his troops out of the city and confronted them there. A few days later, Malik Daulat and Malik Zetu [sic] Chak, who had deserted Malik Abdal Magray, were summoned by Malik Kaji Chak. Truce was concluded with the Magrays and Kaji Chak returned to the city. But those of the chiefs who had formerly combined with him once again joined the Magrays. Finding that they were hostile, Kaji Chak came out of the city and along with a large group left for the Indian mountains to pass the winter there. With the advent of spring, he requested the Sultang for full reinforcements.
In the same spring, Malik Regi Chak set out for Jammu via Banihal with the purpose of marrying the daughter of Raja of Jammu. Malik Kaji Chak took advantage of this and with the manpower he had received [from the Ghakkars] entered into Kashmir. The Magrays combined a large group of Malik Regi Chak’s men, the nobles of Chadura and Doona [sic] with their own soldiers, and garrisoned in the town of Sopor. Malik Kaji Chak camped at the village Kesu to give them a fight. A month later, Malik Regi Chak returned from Jammu, entered the city [of Srinagar] and rose in opposition to Malik Kaji Chak.
Now Malik Kaji Chak found that he had been sandwiched between two formidable enemiesÑnumerous troops of the Magrays and Kashmiri chiefs on one side, and Malik Regi Chak on the otherÑand as both of them were ready to crush him, he thought it prudent to consult with Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat, his nobles and his sons. Their opinion was that he should proceed to deal with Regi Chak, and that Malik Ibhrahim Khan accompanied by Malik Daulat and a group of his nobles should offer resistance to the Magrays. Malik Kaji Chak asked Ibrahim Khan as to what strategy he had [drawn] in case he was forced to fight a battle with the outnumbering troops of the Magrays. To this he replied that since he was fully convinced of his bravery, he would wield his sword over the heads of his enemies in such a manner that their heads would roll on the ground.
[ verses ]
Battle for the city
Greatly delighted and encouraged by the reply of Ibrahim Khan, Malik Kaji Chak went ahead with his plan; and, shortly after evening prayers, he came out to deal with Regi Chak, leaving the result of his venture to God. By nightfall, Regi Chak came to know that Malik Kaji Chak had moved his whole force against him, He drew away from Idgah to the locality of ‘Alau’d-Din Pora for a fight by about afternoon [of the next day]. Malik Kaji Chak entered the city by Nowshehr route. On reaching near Alau’d-Din Pora he deployed a strong contingent of his troops under commanders like Dervish Thakkur Malik Ñ- (illeg) and Khwaja Ibrahim on the Gankhan passage to stop the adadvance of Malik Regi Chak. Himself he headed towards Kalashpora with another strong contingent and took up a position in the khanqah of Kajdarar (Gojehwar). He sent his son Muhammad Chak and his soldiers to engage Ragi Chak, who bad demolished the Kalashpora bund, rendering the passage impassable. Malik Kaji Chak despatched Hamza Nayak [sic] and Naji Nayak from the Maisumeh [sic] route. At first Malik Regi Chak proceeded to confront them, but when people spread the rumour that Sayyid Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak and Zetu Chak were on their way to the city, which they planned to enter from their side, he did not think it proper to go ahead with his plan of attacking them and, therefore, retraced his steps. During the time he was crossing and re-crossing, the troops of Malik Regi Chak and the Jammu soldiers stationed at the Gankhan passage had been badly mauled . Malik Kaji Chak’ s foot-soldiers had pressed them hard so as to demoralise them and to force them to take to their heels. The troops of Kaji Chak were followed by cavalrymen who reached near the khanqah of Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani. When Malik Regi Chak heard the names of Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak, and Zetu Chak, he chose to withdraw. In the neighbourhood of the khanqah, he had an encounter with Dervish Thakkur and killed him. Near the gate of the khanqah, he also smote Khwaja Ibrahim to death. The rest of his enemies dispersed and hid themselves in the nearby lanes and private houses. Thus Regi Chak came closer to the Gankhan passage. His enquiries revealed to him that Malik Kaji Chak was heading towards Kalashpora. Thereupon, he retraced his steps and made for Kalashpora. On reaching the site where the bund had been demolished, he found that Muhammad Chak, son of Malik Kaji Chak, had taken up position there. He threatened him and made him go back, so that he did not become a victim of his adversary’s sword. News was brought to Malik Kaji Chak that Regi was heading towards the same approach; he mounted his horse and moved on to Kalashpora mosque and waited in the compound of Nuni Ganai mosque for his enemy. On reaching the site of the broken bund, he learnt that Hamza Nayak was approaching from Monjehdar [locality]. Thus the earlier information about Ibrahim Khan and Malik Daulat proved to be a lie. He then thought it advisable to face them and turning back adopted the same path. Face to face with them, Malik Hamza Nayak fled to a private house, but Malik Naji Nayak was captured and brought before him. Regi Chak reproached him severely, and let him go. Himself he took the Phak route and fled to Lar. But Malik Kaji Chak struck and crushed him and then moved towards Kinsu [sic]. He spent the night at Barthana grounds.
Kaji returns to Sopor
At Sopor, the Magrays learnt of Malik Kaji Chak’s movement. Early in the morning they repaired the bridges a little below Sopor which they had destroyed and crossed the river to fight against Sayyid Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak and Ghazi Khan. The numerical strength of the troops of Baihaqi Sayyids and Chaks was small in comparison with that of the Magrays. Some of the army commanders suggested [to Sayyid Ibrahim Khan] to destroy the bridges and move away to let the water separate them (from the enemy). Ibrahim Khan and Daulat Chak were too brave to accept this ignominous suggestion. They argued that their retreat would result in defeat and dismemberment of their own troops. Hence they decided to fight with full courage and bravery and stood with rock-like firmness on the battlefield. Like roaring lions, Malik Kaji Chak’s soldiers fell upon their adversaries, “When God wills, the lesser in number shall overpower the larger in number,” so goes the saying and they emerged victorious. In this battle, Malik Mas’ud Chak, the brother of Malik Regi Chak, was slain by Sayyid Yaqub Baihaqi, son of Mir Sayyid Muhammad. The rest of the Magray group suffered defeat and fled towards India. The Sayyids of Baihaqi made such desparate and severe atacks on their enemies in the course of this battle, as would elicit eloquent praise from the bravest of all times. This event occured in A.H. 945 (A.D. 1538), corresponding to the 14th year of Kashmiri calendar.
Kaji Chak’s administration
After this victory, the domain of Kashmir was divided into three parts: Isma’il Shah and Kaji Chak received one share each and the third went to Mirza Sayyid Ibrahim Khan. For nearly two and a half years, Malik Kaji Chak was the undisputed sovereign authority and administrative head of this land. This was the time when Islamic religion and the customs of this faith reached the heights of glory. In fact, it was he who virtually issued royal commands in this country, because Isma’il Shah was his son-in-law and he remained only a titular king; his authority was limited to the striking of coins and reading of khutba in his name. Malik Kaji Chak held absolute power during those times.
Most of the tribal chiefs and clan leaders who were seditious and bred strife, or revolted against him, would be thrown into prison, but none of them was sentenced to death. After some time, he would grant them pardon and re-confer upon them their jagirs. Though he did sense that they had malicious designs on his life, his large-heartedness reduced these to insignificance, and he never ordered any one of them to be put to the sword. His sons and descendants, who today boast of their independent and autocratic rule, are in truth reaping the fruits of his generosity and benevolence, whether they know it or not.
Let it not remain unrevealed that consequent upon their defeat at Kinsu [sic] the Magrays fled to the India mountains where Malik Regi Chak joined them after some time. Humayun Padshah was defeated at Agra around the same time, and he withdrew to Lahore. Sher Shah had ascended the throne of India. Malik Abdal and Malik Regi Chak sent their sons / descendants to [the court at] Lahore. Through the help of Khwaja Haji, they managed to secure the support of Mirza Haidar who at that time was in the service of Humayun in India, and they came to Kashmir. Leading their troops, Malik Kaji Chak and Sayyid Ibrahim then proceeded along the Hirpur route to make an exit without any fighting.
On 21 Rajab, A.H. 94, (21 October 1540), corresponding to the 16th year of Kashmiri calendar, the Magrays, assisted by the Mughal troops, entered into Kashmir via Tsereh-Har. Malik Kaji Chak continued his march along Hirpur route together with his sons, troops and equippage. Mirza Haidar extended remarkable courtesy to Kashmiri nobles. The domain was divided into three parts; one was given to Mirza Haidar, the second to Abdal Magray along with administrative authority and ministry, and the third to Malik Regi Chak.
This arrangement continued till the end of winter. In early spring on the new year’s day of Kashmiris’, Abdal MagrayÑin accordance with the Qur’anic saying that all that has life must taste of deathÑpassed to the everlasting world. Mirza Haidar elevated Malik Husain Magray, Malik Abdal Magray’s eldest son, to his late father’s office and jagir without diminishing it.
Kaji meets Sher Shah
From the Indian mountains, Malik Kaji Chak went to Sher Shah for assistance. The latter showed him full courtesy and due regard and saw the scars and wounds all over his body. He made him remove his head gear, and saw the the marks of healing wounds on his head and asked him whether all those wounds had been sustained by him in a single battle or in many ( in Kashmir ) . Malik Kaji Chak told him that the wounds had been sustained in not one but many battles. Sher Shah, thereupon, caressed him profusely and conferred upon him the title of Khan-i-Khanan. He left it to his choice to call for as much of assistance as he desired.
Trusting the promises and the letters of agreement which had come to him from Kashmiri nobles, Kaji Chak brought along with him Husain Sherwani and Lal Khan from among the nobles of Sher Shah’s court and also a handful of his troops. He made his entry into Kashmir through Hirpur when the passes opened [after winter]. Mirza Haidar sent Khwaja Hajji and Ibrahim Khan to Regi Chak at –(illeg) and persuaded him with conciliatory words to join him. He agreed to do so and Mirza Haidar left his family, womenfolk and children at Andarkol [sic].
Kaji Chak defeated
The two armies took their respective positions at Wothnar. Intermittent skirmishes and sporadic fighting between them continued for nearly a month, after which fighting had to be suspended owing to heavy rains and floods. Both the armies withdrew from the scene of operations. Malik Kaji Chak camped at Girdar [sic] and Malik Regi Chak and Mirza Haidar at Kohtar (Kothar ?). A royal battle was fought near Wahthore.”  Mulla Husain Khatib has recorded the year of this battle in the chronogram fath-e muqarrar (Repeat victory) which corresponds to the year 49. Malik Nowroz was slain and Kaji Chak’s army suffered defeat and disaster. Malik Kaji Chak, Mir Sayyid Ibrahim Khan, Malik Daulat Chak and a number of their army commanders fled to India by the Hirpur route.
Mirzo Haidar visits Jadibal
After the victory was won by Mirza Haidar, Malik Regi Chak took leave of him and left for Kamaraj for rest and relaxation. Had he chosen to assume administrative authority and be the minister, Mirza Haidar would have complied with his orders and agreed to his policies. He would not have disregarded his wishes. Mirza Haidar’s obedience and submissiveness to Regi Chak may well be estimated from the following anecdote.
Shah Sayyid Ahmad Majzub paid a visit to the domain of Kashmir. Regi Chak declared that since Shah Ahmad Noor Bakhshi had arrived in Jadibal rest house, he would like to pay him a visit. He asked for the opinion of Malik Haidar who readily agreed with him, adding that he himself would like to accompany him. He then suggested that since it was the mid hour of the day and they would be obliged to stay with the saint for some time, the warm weather could prove oppressive for him; and that, therefore, it would be advisable to choose late afternoon hour for this visit. Till then they could retire to their respective places for an afternoon siesta. Malik Regi Chak returned to his house to have rest and sleep and did not wake up before the late afternoon praying hour. But Mirza Haidar offered the late afternoon prayer and sent somebody to Malik Regi Chak bidding him to get ready for meeting Shah Sayyid Ahmad Noor Bakhshi. Regi Chak woke up and began offering prayers. But before he could finish, Mirza Haidar rode into his house. Then they both procceded to Jadibal. On reaching near the tomb of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad ‘Iraqi, Mirza Haidar entered the mausoleum (rowza) with perfect humility and submmission. First, he stood on the footsteps of the grave, offered prayers far the dead, and then facing towards qibla, sat in mausoleum and called for a reciter to read out portions from the Qur’an. He summoned one Khwaja Isma’il who had come from India after having acquired grace and elegance in the art of recitation. Mirza Haidar sat close to the grave of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Iraqi and read out the chapter Ayatu’l-kursi. It was followed by a second prayer for the departed one; and finally, with humility and modesty, he left the tomb. All the people known or unknown to him, who observed the deportment of Mirza Haidar, expressed their surprise and said that the faithful and the followers of this place should learn the manner and procedures of veneration and courtesy from him. This was followed by a meeting with Shah Ahmad in the upper story of the khanqah. In the course of his conversation with Shah Ahmad, Mirza Haidar expressed his strong belief and faith in the noble order of Noor Bakhshiyyeh [sect]. Then, in his address to the sufis of Jadibal he offered them pieces of advice. Malik Regi Chak was annoyed at this and told him angrily that they had not come there for offering sermons. Malik Haidar noticed his displeasure and put an abrupt end to his sermon, and shifted to some other topic. Then, bidding good bye to the Shah, he walked the whole distance of the compound upto the outgoing flight of stairs by retracing his steps backward without showing his back to the saint (as a mark of extreme respect). Then he came down the stairs, went round the interior and the exterior of the khanqah, had a look at the stony floor of its compound and praised Amir Shams ‘Iraqi for his great deeds. 
Malik Haidar did all this just to please Malik Regi Chak. In fact, in his heart he bore malice and enmity against that order (Noor Bakhshiyyeh), of which he gave a proof when the opportunity came.
Regi Chak escapes
On finding that Regi Chak paid scant or no attention to his commands and accorded no respect to his authority, he (Haidar) began to search for wavs and means of destroying him in the following year. He aligned Malik ‘Idi Raina and Husain Magray with himself and, through the good offices of Khwaja Hajji, fostered an accord with them. Then he proceeded towards Kamaraj with the aim of capturing Malik Regi Chak, who, however fled to India via the Karnav route. Settling temporarily at Poonch, he established and strengthened bonds of cooperation and amity with Malik Kaji Chak. Malik Haidar plundered and destroyed Regi Chak’s buildings and mansions in Kamaraj, and then returned to Andarkol [sic] in the city.
While Mirza Haidar was conducting operations in Kamaraj, Shaykh Daniyal, on learning about the arrival of Shah Sayyid Ahmad Noor Bakhshi [in Kashmir], moved from Tibet to Kashmir. On arriving in the village Karaj [sic] he learnt of Regi Chak’s disaster. Per necessity, he halted at Drang where he left his equipment and proceeded towards Mirza Haidar’s camp. He came to the camp of Malik’Idi Raina who received him with respect and honour, The Malik avoiding committing any lapse in ex-ending support and favour to the Shaykh, but at last, he withdrew his support. When Malik Haidar found that ‘Idi Raina no more supported him, he ventured to take the step which led to the Shaykh’s martyrdom.
It has already been said that Regi Chak had suffered a defeat and had withdrawn to Poonch where, in the following year, he joined hands with Kaji Chak and entered into Kashmir via Havel, encamping in Goori Marg range. Mirza Haidar took with him a contingent of Mughal and Kashmiri soldiers and encircled them. After some time, the Turkish soldiers made a night-assault on them in which Malik Kaji Chak, Regi Chak and Mir Sayyid Ibrahim again suffered a defeat and were forced to retreat towards the Indian mountains.
After the Goori Marg victory, Mirza Haidar strengthened his bonds of unity with Malik ‘Idi Raina and Husain Magray. In spite of Mirza Haider’s managing to capture power and authority of government, Nazuk Shah continued to be the titular king. For some time, coins – dinar – continued to be struck in his name; Mirza Haidar could not strike the coins in his name.
Kaji Chak dies
In the year A.H. 951 (A.D. 1544), 23rd of Jumada alUkhra, Malik Kaji Chak died of fever at a place near Dana Kala (Gala) in India.[l03] The date of his death was found in the phrase faut-e sardar. With the passing away of this intrepid commander, who, in truth, may be called the king of the clan of Chaks, disanity and ccnfusion spread in his tribe and community.
Mirza Haidar now let loose oppression which sprang from his fanaticism. He did not conceal his enmity towards the lovers of the house of Prophet and the adherents of ‘Ali, the saint of God (waliu’llah). His rabid fanaticism and deepseated malice touched such proportions that he issued an order to destroy the holy khanqah of Mir Shamsu’d-Din’ ‘Iraqi and started killing Muslims and the faithful.[l04] On the 8th of Zil Dhu’l-Hijja, A.H. 955 (A.D. 1548), Hazrat Rishi  was martyred.
Shaykh Daniyal’s execution
In A.H. 956 (A.D. 1549), he (Mirza Haidar) left for Tibet where he arrested Shaykh Daniyal and brought him back as his captive; for nearly a year, he was enchained in prison and subjected to physical torture. A sum of one thousand five hundred gold coins (ashrafis) was also exacted from him. In order to put an end to the reproaches and accusations of Abdu’r-Rashid Khan, he (Mirza Haidar) decided to put an end to his (Daniyal’s) life. He summoned Shaykh Fathu’llah to his presence and told him to fabricate false witnesses and the proofs against Shaykh Daniyal. That ungodly ( Khuhuda na tars ) fellow made strenuous efforts and bribed for this purpose some corrupt and wicked people, whose decrees in matters of religion were hardly tenable and whose moral dispensations were hardly popular. Some of the persons were induced to depose that he announced rafz (abandoning of faith), and showed disrespect to men of faith. Some other vouched for the honesty and irreproachable conduct of the witnesses. Thus under the decrees of the Qadis of the time, namely Qadi Habib, Qadi Ibrahim and Qadi Abdu’l-Ghaffur, he was martyred on 24th of Safar, A.H. 957 (A.D. 1550). Some of his associates found the date of this event in the phrase dasht-i Kerbala. In the darkness of the night, a devotee of the innocent martyr hid his severed head at some unknown place and, on the next day, another devotee removed his body in a boat and buried it at some other place. After the murder of Mirza Haidar, the severed head and body of Shaykh Daniyal were put together and reburied in the shrine of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad ‘Iraqi. It is strange that Mirza Haidar should have considered it in the interest of the state to put him to death. During the days when his death sentence was under consideration, Mulla ‘Abdullah made an attempt to dissuade Mirza Haidar from committing such an act, but Haidar told him that the beheading of the Shaykh was justified in the interests of the state and its integrity and for the security of his government. He further told him that accusations and defamation levelled by Rashid Khan against him could be silenced only by putting him to death.
Muhammad Kot besieged
In truth, the murder of that innocent man was the cause of the downfall of Mirza Haidar and the destruction of his regime.  Shortly afterwards, there sprang in his mind a desire to send a oontingent of Mughal troops to Muhammad Kot.[l08] For this purpose, Qara Bahadur Mirza was given a contingent of about one thousand Mughal and Kashmiri soldiers and by the end of the month of Ramadan in the aforesaid year, he marched towards Muhammad Kot via Baramulla. Malik ‘Idi Raina joined hands with Nazuk Shah and Khwaja Hajji (Banday), and managed to win the cooperation of the brothers and followers of Husain Magray; the strategy was to find a narrow and steep passage where he would lie in ambush, and strike at the Mughal troops and destroy them.  On reaching Muhammad Kot, they found that its passes and difficult paths were highly suited to their purpose. On the 13th of Shawwal, in the aforesaid year. all the Kashmiri commanders and their rank and file took positions atop the mountain heights. Some of the princes were provided with additional reinforcements from the local highlanders and were deputed to seal the passes leading to the valley.
In the early hours of one particular morning, groups of fearless warriors and veterans of battlefields swooped upon the Mughal soldiers and made a fierce attack, and both sides got engaged in fighting. The warriors on either side exhibited feats of remarkable bravery, especially in the use of arrows and muskets (tufak) The Mughal soldiers continued their strike and displayed their bravery in fighting the Kashmiris but were compelled to flee towards Bahrel. This marked the beginning of the end of Mughal rule in Kashmir. For nearly one farsakh (three miles), the Kashmiris chased the fleeing Mughal soldiers, inflicting heavy casualties upon them. Kashmiri commanders gave up the chase after a distance of one farsakh but Keecham Khan, along with his highland soldiers (Khahan I Khasas), pursued the Mughals right up to Bahrel, hoping that he would be able to capture horses and other equipment of the fleeing Mughals.
Qara Bahadur defeated
On reaching Bahrel, the fleeing Mughal troops sought refuge in its fort, which Keecham Khan along with the Khahis found it difficult to besiege; hence he conveyed to ‘Idi Raina and the Kashmiri nobles that four to five hundred fully armed Mughal warriors had reached Bahrel and had arrived at their destination in safety. If they ( ‘Idi Raina and his troops) headed towards Poonch, the Mughal soldiers would be left with no alternative but to take the road to Kashmir and rejoin Mirza Haidar.
Malik ‘Idi Raina was about to leave Muhammad Kot for Poonch when this news was brought to him. Thus the entire Kashmir army felt perturbed and discomfited by the thought that should that group [of the Mughals] succeed in rejoining Mirza Haidar, the prospect would be too disturbing for them. However, they took a decision as a result of which Shams Malik and Naji Malik Muhammad Khan and Husain Magray and the sons of Khwaja Hajji, each with his respective contingent, agreed to proceed to Bahral. Malik ‘Idi Raina, along with other commanders and troops, headed towards Poonch. The fort at Bahral in which the Mughal soldiers had taken refuge was besieged. Finding that the Kashmiri army, assisted by the Khahis, had swollen in number, the Mughal commanders, namely, Qara Bahadur, Qutb Ali Koka and Muhammad Nazar became disheartened and decided to initiate negotiations with the Kashmiris, but some of their commanders like Sayyid Mirza, Mirza Ali Koka, Daulat Koka, Qutb Ali Diwana and others did not agree to this. They argued that for many years the Kashmiris had been drawing up plans of annihilating them and had now united to achieve this purpose. Since they were determined to spill their blood, their conciliatory talk would not make them kind towards them. They proposed that those of the Mughal soldiers who had been gifted with bravery, might accompany them on their way to the land of Ghakkars, and those who were timid and cowardly might choose to go with Qara Bahadur. Next morning, Qara Bahadur took a group of Mughal soldiers with him to contact the Kashmiris to enter into negotiations with them. They had just reached the camp of Kashmiri army when the hosts of Khahis and Kashmiri foot-soldiers fell upon them, plundered their equipment and possessions and started killing them.
While the Mughal troops [of Qara Bahadur] were under an attack, Sayyid Mirza took with him a group of soldiers, came out of the fort and brandishing their swords marched towards the land of Ghakkars. While the other Mughal contingent was being routed [by the Kashmiris], they fled about a mile away and the Kashmiris were not able to pursue them. No doubt a body of highlanders (Khuhis) was sent in their pursuit, but it could reach nowhere close to them. The result was hat the group succeeded in arriving in safety at Adam Sultan from where it dispersed [in different directions].
Kashmiri troops slew some of the Mughal soldiers, took others as prisoners, and headed towards Poonch. On joining the troops of Malik ‘Idi Raina the commanders held consultations, whereupon it was agreed that three persons among the captives, namely Qara Bahadur, Qutb ‘Ali Koka and Muhammad Nazar be detained. They amputated the hands of the rest of the Mughal soldiers who numbered about sixty. As a result of this action, some of these soldiers succumbed to wounds at Poonch and some others got scattered in the adjoining areas.
Malik ‘Idi Raina proceeded to Kashmir via the Hirpur route and managed to seek the goodwill and cooperation of Mir Sayyid Ibrahim Khan and Ghazi Khan. He despatched messengers to Malik Daulat Chak entreating him to come over from Nowshehr. Himself he entered the valley from Hirpur. A day later, Malik Daulat Chak also arrived. [In this way] very large number of Kashmiri soldiers gathered to initiate deliberations about finding the ways and means of forcing entry into the city.
Mirza Haidar killed
Mirza Haidar also held consultations with his advisers and aids at that time. A Mughal contingent was left behind at Andarkol (Andarkot) to guard his womenfolk. With a force of about a thousand horsemen, besides a number of Kashmiri soldiers, he proceeded to face the Kashmiri army. Let it not remain unknown that, since the wheel of destiny had started moving against Mirza Haidar and the stars promised no favour to him, his troops, in whatever part of Kashmir they were suffered severe reverses and were routed. Mulla Qasim and Mulla Baqi were among his senior and high-ranking commanders who had been holding Tibet under their control. At a time when winter was at its peak, the people of Tibet rose unitedly to put Mulla Qasim and a large number of his troops to the sword. Mulla Baqi fled to Kashmir and joined Mirza Haidar when the latter was about to leave Andarkol. The news of the revolt of the Tibetans was in no way less than an insult added to injury. Mulla ‘Abdullah, Samarqandi, another prominent person of a high rank and a Mughal noble of Mirza Haidar, who had been assigned the task of capturing Pakhli lands also met with defeat. On learning about the reverses that befell the Mughals at Muhammad Kot, he lost heart, and withdrew towards Kashmir. On reaching Baramulla, he fell in the hands of a few ungodly[l20] men and was murdered. Mirza Haidar reached the city and learnt of his death, which added to his grief:
[ verses ]
Despite these depressing reverses and disconcerting debacles, Mirza Haidar was steadily drawing nearer and nearer to a battle with the Kashmiris. He encamped at the village of Wahthore. Kashmiri army also came closer to Mirza Haidar’s troops; with its headquarters at Khampore, it clung to the stronghold of Mahnor. Mirza Haidar held consultations with such of his commanders and seniors as were of proven ability and judgement regarding military tactics in fighting Kashmiris. Their considered opinion was to launch a night-assault to take the enemy by surprise. On the very night the Kashmiri troops made a halt in the fort, Mirza Haidar picked a well-equipped body of seven to eight hundred soldiers for this purpose. They made a forward dash till they reached the foot of the fort and then halted for a while. Not more than thirty horsemen, including Mirza Haidar, ascended the hill and, even out of this handful of Mughal troops, only seven or eight could stand by the side of Mirza Haidar, who, without loss of time, engaged himself in close fighting and killing. As God willed it, the same night – 8th of Dhu’l-Qa’da, A.H. 957 (A.D. 1550), Mirza Haidar sustained a fatal blow of lance from Kamal Dooni and was killed.  The entire Mughal contingent fled towards Andarkol.
Habib Khan’s incursion
Mirza Haidar held the reins of the government of Kashmir for ten years. After his disappearance from the scene, Malik ‘Idi Raina assumed power in the same year and installed Nazuk Shah on the throne as the Sultan of Kashmir at Qasr-i Sultan. However, it was practically he who ruled the country. During his times Habib Khan Niyazi in alignment with his brave brethren, emerged from the mountains of Jammu with the intention of conquering Kashmir.[l26] Malik Daulat Chak received this information and forthwith assembled his commanders and Khwaja Hajji and marched towards Banihal to resist him. But both Malik ‘Idi Raina and Hussain Magray deliberately slackened their pace. Malik Daulat wasted no time and, moving at full speed, took position at the top of Kakarniku [sic]. They could see bonfires in each other’s camps.
Malik Daulat Chak deployed his troops on two sides to force a baltle on the enemy. Next day, from morning till the commencement of afternoon prayers, fierce fighting took place between them. Although in bravery and valour [the forces of Niyazi] had no parallel in the entire kingdom of India, yet, under the dictates of destiny, they gave up all hope of their survival. Even though they were but a handful of people, they fought against an overwhelming majority of nearly ten thousand Kashmiri troops, including their highland allies from early morning till the afternoon. At last they were unnerved by the wounds inflicted on them by a relentless shower of arrows and musket shots in the battle. Except two of their men, all of them were slain. Kashmiri commanders carried to Malik Daulat Chak the severed heads of Habib Khan, Sa’eed Khan, and Shahbaz Khan.  In return, Daulat Chak sent these to Salim Shah in India. Then a letter and report were to be drafted and sent to Salim Shah, he (Daulat Chak) did not take Shams Chak and Naji Malik into confidence, who had been his associates before they joined Malik ‘Idi Raina. Their earlier jealousy and malice were intensified by this. The clan of the Chaks became haughty and tyrannical by this victory and they now aspired to gain control over the kingdom of Kashmir. On entering the valley, they held a conferance with Malik ‘Idi Raina, in the pargana of Vernag. Husain Magray had not yet arrived on the scene when Malik Raina came down and began to draw plans for destroying the Chaks.
He, thereupon, combined with himself the militant people of Kupwara, the Magrays, the Baihaqi Sayyids, and all the people who were men of substance and influence. In the month of Ramadan, A.H. 958 (A.D. 1551), he launched his scheme of destroying the Chak power. One night Shams Malik, Naji Malik and Khwaja Hajji, in alliance with Bahram Chak and Yusuf Chak, took with themselves a group of the members of their clan and destroyed the bridges in the city. Malik Daulat Chak and Ghazi Khan offered resistance and succeeded in capturing Mir Sayyid Ibrahim Khan and Husain Magray. The rest ot the group escaped to join Malik Idi Raina. After a few days, Fath Malik, Nasi [sic] Malik and Yusuf Chak combined to confront Daulat Chak. A day later, Malik Daulat crossed the lake and headed towards them. Malik ‘Idi Raina was defeated[l29] and fled from the battlefield. He hid himself in the Shumeh Nag jungle where he was taken ill and later brought to the city. He died a few days later.
Assessment of Mirza Haidar
Behold the perfidy of the treacherous world that the ungodly Mirza Haidar should have, under the pretext of expediency, let the onus of Shaykh Daniyal’s murder[l31] fall on him, given bribes to false witnesses, made Mulla Fathu’llah to commit perjury and martyred Shaykh Daniyal. Wilfully, he made himself responsible for shedding the blood of that respected and innocent man so that the material world and its comforts might endure with him. After the martyrdom of Shaykh Daniyal, he did not survive for more than nine months. Similarly, Malik ‘Idi Raina strovs to spill the blood of the Mughals with the sole intention of holding sway over the kingdom of Kashmir for some time, but he did not survive for more than a year, after the death of the Mirza:
[ verses ]
In short, after Malik ‘Idi Raina, Malik Daulat Chak became the governor and administrative head of this country in the year A.H. 958 (A.D. 1551). He was kind to Mir Sayyid Ibrahim Khan: he set him free, and in order to strengthen his own position as head of the government, he entered into a matrimonial alliance with him.
Daulat Chak’s achievements
During the period of his administration, this noble Malik did certain things such as the construction of two holy shrines which shall certainly win him good name in this world and salvation in the next. One of these is that in spite of sharing the realm of Kashmir with ‘Idi Raina, he allowed the bier of Shaykh Daniyal to be brought into the city. As it reached near the city, word was sent around in advance so that the faithful and the davout came out to receive it. At this time, Malik Daulat happened to be at Idgah with Malik Idi Raina and Ghazi Khan. On learning about the news of the bier Malik ‘Idi Raina got up and left for his house in disgust. Fearing the opposition and enmity of Malik ‘Idi Raina, Ghazi Khan rose in opposition to Malik Daulat and left for his residence. Malik Daulat Chak summoned all his courage and came out of the ‘Idgah to proceed to the site where the coffin had been lowered. He took a boat and was rowed down the river in the city to receive the bier . The dead body [ of Shaykh Daniyal ] was buried in the graveyard of his illustrious father ; the place became a shrine for the devotees and the faithful.
Another work of Daulat Chak worth mentioning is that he rebuilt the khanqah of Amir Shamsud-Din Muhammad ‘Iraqi which Mirza Haidar Gorkan had fully destroyed because of his bigotry. By completing the reconstruction of the holy shrine in A.H. 959 (A.D. 1551), he helped in its restoration to prosperity. Out of the old endowments he earmarked a few villages for the maintenance of the children and descendants of Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi. He gave stipends and scholarships to the attendants and devout inmates of the shrine. Thus that holy khanqah resumed once again its previous prosperity and was frequented by the ‘People of Forty,’ (arba’in).[l33] It was also marked by a revival of Islamic laws and fundamental modes of worship by the believers and by the chanting of special Friday prayers and holding of congregations and all other formalities of ‘repetitive prayers.’ On account of Mirza Haidar’s total reiection of Noor Bakhshiyyeh and Hamadaniyyeh orders, he effaced their traces in the length and breadth of this country. For eight years, none of the citizens or aliens in this land could even bring to his lips the name of these orders. Owing to his fierce bigotry, people could not even speak of the faith they professed. He forbade the inhabitants of this land to profess the Shafi’i faith. He issued orders to all the subjects in the state to adopt Hanafi faith and proclaimed that all the religions and beliefs other than that of Hanafi faith be discarded and done away with.
Another laudable achievement of Daulat Chak was to revive the Hamadani order and to give it a firm footing. He extended support and help to Baba Hasan to build a Khanqah and a house for the devotees who would retire therein during lent. He made untiring efforts to patronize and propagate Hamadaniyyeh order. He brought together the surviving dervishes and sufis of this order living in different parts of the land, and made them recite prayers for forty days (’arba’in). He revived the customs and practices of the Hamadaniyyeh order and the Noor Bakhshiyyeh sect. He issued a writ throughout this land that all citizens and aliens were free to profess any faith they wished and that no one could either dictate or obstruct others in this matter.
Baba Hasan had visited many attractive places, and selected Hasan Abad for his burial and for raising a tomb. The fortunate Malik bought lands and gardens in the aforesaid locality by making cash payment out of his private funds to their owners.  The coffin of Hazrat Baba was brought to the locality and he was buried there. Malik Daulat issued orders for the repair and development of those places. The grounds were levelled and the site beautified to make it attractive and endearing to pilgrims and lovers of the faith. He ordered the construction of a spacious and lofty khanqah. Each of the sons of Hazrat Baba undertook the constructicn of houses and dwelling places at Hasan Abad where the descendants, relatives, and the kinsmen of the Baba took up their residence. This was another laudable achievement of Malik Daulat Chak.
Owing to the threats and intimidations from Mirza Haidar and the fears he aroused, none of the inhabitants of this land had the courage even to mention the names of the Innocent Imams. The mullas of this land had misled and misguided them to such an extent that people never took the names of the Twelve Imams. The mullas had told them that it was a sin and sacrilege to do so. The citizens and the aliens in this land were ignorant of the names and the story of the innocent Imams, and the members of the lofty house of the Prophet to such an appalling extent that once when Husain Shah enquired of Qadi Habib in an assembly the names of Imams, he could name the Commander of the Faithful (Ali), Imam Hasan, Imam Husain and then he knew of no other name except that of Imam Ja’far-i Sadiq. He knew nothing of their lives and history, and of their exalted status. The entire assembly was taken aback by his ignorance and indifference.
During the period of his government, Malik Daulat Chak issued an order that the homily (khutba) in the name of the Twelve Imams be read in the Jami’ mosque.[l37] In this way this practice, observed during the life-time of Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi, was revived and followed in the Jami’ mosque prayers and elsewhere. People began to ask for the history of the Innocent Imams. It is fervently hoped that the rewards for such noble deeds and actions will become the instruments of salvation for that man of excellent qualities.
It may also be mentioned that up to the time of the government of Daulat Chak, Sultan Nazuk Shah continued to be the king of this country in accordance with the prevailing practice of kingship and Sultanate. But during the times of the said Malik he was deposed and forced to go to the Indian mountains. In his place, Isma’il Shah was installed on the throne.
Malik Daulat Chak’s government did not last beyond four years during which he and Ghazi Khan came into conflict with each other several times. However, they resolved their differences through conciliation. After four years, some of his uncles and near or distant relatives joined hands to cause estrangement between Malik Daulat Chak and Ghazi Khan. They instigated Husain Malik, the brother of Daulat Chak, to capture him on the first of the month of Dhu’l-Hijja, A.H. 962 (A.D. 1554) on the lake of Phak.[l38] When once Malik Daulat Chak went for a shikar, he learnt about the ill-intentions of his rivals ; he left the boat and went up the Phak mountains. Ghazi Khan despatched his troops to all parts of the domain in search of him and finally captured him. The group of people responsible for creating disorder in the state dinned into the ear of Husain Chak that Ghazi Khan was disposed to let Malik Daulat live safely. Two days later, he was misled into gouging out the eyes of Malik Daulat Chak. How tragic that such a goodnatured person should have been tortured in a manner that he was virtually put on the road to death!
[ Subsequent to this event ] Sayyid Ibrahim Khan was deprived of his servants and establishment and his son Mir Sayyid Mubarak Khan was installed in his position.
1. One trak is approximately five kilograms.
2. This gesture reflected his wisdom to win over people to strengthen his religious mission. Shuka gives his name as Kanchana Chakresha or Kacha Chakra and says that he was an incarnation of Indra and Vishnu. See J. C. Dutt (tr.) pp. 347-48, 351.
3. Perhaps Chaks alone could restore order in the country at that time.
4. It was located at Iskandarpora. See THK. p. 224.
5. Hasan says that the nobles and commanders of the time became his adversaries because of his religion. See THK. p. 224.
6. Hasan describes his death in this manner: During his flight, he reached the village of Rawalpora where his neck got entangled in the branches of a vine. He fell from his horse, and as he frantically tried to disentangle himself, the horse gave him a nasty kick on his head which broke his skull and scattered his brains on the ground. THK. p.224.
7. According to Malik Haidar, many leading Dangars were also killed in this rebellion.See TMH. MS. f. 45b.
8. Hasan says that they had been overpowared and therefore were forced to flee to India. THK p 225. But Malik Haidar says that Fath Shah stopped at Hirpur. See TMH MS. f 45b.
9. The text is incorrect. Malik Uthman was in prison.
10. Hasan says that he was the son of Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi. THK. p. 225.
11. This sentence can be interpreted in more than one way.
12. Muhammad Shah conferred upon Sayyid Ibrahim the title of Khan for his bravery. See THK. p. 226.
13. Hasan says that Shankar Raina was made commander of the army. THK. p. 226.
14. The hillock on the right bank of Wular lake, and situated between Khuihama and Zenagir.
15. This is obviously a sarcastic reference.
16. Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi called his followers dervishes, sufis and faqirs. See Tohfat MS. passim
17. In Hasan it is Tos Maidan. See THK. p. 227.
18. Probably the Anchar lake.
19. This could be Akhal. See THK. p. 227.
20. By dervish, the author probably means Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi.
21. The year is A.H. 920/A.D. 1514.
22. Hasan writes that Ibrahim Magray did not at all trust the promises and pledges of Kashmiri nobles. He considered Muhammad Shah and Fath Shah like pawns on a chessboard, and handled them as he liked. See THK. p. 228.
23. It could probably be Par. Hassan writes that Jehangir Padar deserted Muhammad Shah and joined Habib Khan. THK. p. 229. This is also corroborated by Malik Haidar, TMH. MS. f. 46a.
24. These are the followers of Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi and members of the Nurbakhshiyyeh order.
25. Pargana Bengil. See THK. p. 229.
26. They were Malik Feroz and Malik Abdal. THK. p. 229.
27. The Lodhi ruler of India. See also TIIK. p. 230.
28. Malik Haidar and Hasan estimate the number around thirty thossand soldiers. See TMH. MS. f. 46b and THK. p. 230.
29. Hasan’s version is Wathora plains in Rajor which is not correct. See THK. p. 230.
30. Malik Haidar says that letters of submission to Muhammad Shah were also sent by Kaji Chak, Malik Serang (Sarhang) and Malik Nusrat Chadura. See TMH MS. f. 46b.
31. On receiving these reassuring letters of support, Muhammad Shah sent back the Indian troops. See TMH. f. 40b.
32. Malik Shankar Chadura and not Malik Nusrat Chadura. See TMH. MS. f 47a.
33. Malik Haidar says that under some pretext he was detained at Nowshehr. See TMH. MS. f. 47a.
34. Hasan has recorded a tragic happening connected with the severity of that particular winter. Nearly ten thousand Pandits met with their death while going to Harmukat Ganga to immerse the ashes of their dead. At the top of Mahalesheh Marg mountain, they rose at midnight and following a call from the invisible moved along a wrong track which led to steep precipice named Heprudan [sic] from which they fell down one after another and were killed. The dead included men. women and children. The date of this event has been recorded in this chronogram:
az bayaban kashideh sar tarikh
ghull gufta tabahi-e Panditan.
which yields the year A.H. 925/A.D.1519. THK. p. 230.
35. Hasan says that Fath Shah died in A.H. 925/A.D. 1519, somewhere in Nowshehra mountains and the cap of ‘Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani which had remained in the possession of the Sultans from the times of Qutbu’d-Din was buried with the dead body of Fath. The year of this event was found in the chronogram Fath Shah fana (A.H. 925) A.D. 151. See THK. p. 232.
36. Tenth day of the month of Muharram. There is a short reference to the massacre of Hindus in Shuka’s Chronicle. He writes, “Now in times gone by Shiryya a twiceborn had planted —–as it were the creeper of his karma. On the approach of winter —— it was watered by the good Brahmana Shri Nirmmalakantha. Then at the time of the mlechcha oppression, Kanthabhatta and others held a council and was able to avert the disgrace which such oppression beget. Khujjamerahmada, on the other hand, by devoting his life to the service of Kacha Chakra and by giving him wealth, induced him, who was alarmed at the work of Nirmmalakantha and others, to give him permission to act against them; and actuated by the mlechchas, caused them to be murdered. ~ ~ ~ O Brahmanas where in this Kaliyuga are your Brahmanical spirit and practice ? It was for want of these that the sorrowful and affrighted Nirmmalakantha and others were killed. The oppression of the Mausulas which began in the time of the Saidas (Sayyids) was made prominent by Somachandra (Musa Raina -translator’s inference) and was perfected by Kaka (Kacha) Chakra.” The Rajatangini of Jonaraja, tr. J. C. Dutt, Delhi, 1986. pp. 353-54.
37. At Pampore. See THK. p. 232.
38. Both Hasan and Malik Haidar say that it was Dardu. See THK p.232 and TMH.MS f 47b
39.Malik ‘Idi Chadura. TMH. MS. f. 47b.
40. Hasan says that it was fought at Shihabu’d-Din Pora. THK. p. 233.
41. Throughout the text ab is used for lake or pond and nahr or nahr-i-shahr for the river Jhelum.
42. Hasan says that he sued for peace and then withdrew to Panjab. See THK. p. 233. Malik Haidar says that Iskandar Khan and his allies concluded truce with Kaji Chak. See TMH MS. f 48a.
43. Hasan says that it happened in Tsereh-Vudar fortress. The reason for their revolt was the autocratic style of Kaji Chak’s administration. He did not care even for Sultan Muhammad Shah. See THK. p. 233.
44. It is not clear what compelled them to leave the city and go to Lar. It could possibly be due to their initial reverses.
45. It is significant that instead of befriending the generals of Babur, he decided to resist them. One cannot be sure whether he did it out of political expediency or because of his feeling of belonging to a local polity. The latter seems to be more probable because it is a fact that the Chaks though of non-Kashmiri origin identified themselves with the Kashmiris. It is also significant that the attitude of Chaks towards the Kashmiris is different from that of the Baihaqi Sayyids. The latter, according to the present chronicler, looked upon the Kashmiris as their servants. No such thing has been said about the Chaks. Shrivara says, “…they (Sayyids) regarded the people of Kashmir scarcely even as grass”. The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, (tr.) .T. C. Dutt, Delhi, 1986, p. 252.
46. Hasan’s version is that Kaji Chak sent only two sons: Ghazi Khan and Husain Khan. See THK. p. 234. Malik Haidar’s version is that he sent Husain Khan and two other persons. See TMH. MS. f. 48b.
47. Hasan does not mention this exploit of Ghazi Khan. He narrates the following story about Husain Khan: He forced his way into the tent of Shaykh ‘Ali Beg and dealt three successive strokes of his sword at him. The first stroke was warded off by ‘Ali Beg by shielding himself with a cushion, which, however, was cut into two; the second by shielding himself with a metallic tray, and when the third stroke was about to be delivered, ‘Ali Beg hid himself under a bedstead and begged for his life. See THK. p. 234.
48. The combination of the Turki and Mughal perhaps implies the soldiers speaking Turkish and Chaghatai languages.
49. Hasan says that he died a few days later and was buried at Zaldagar. THK. p. 234.
50. The site of ancient Krtyasrama Vihara. See Rajat . i. 147n.
51. Hasan says that Ibrahim Shah was the son of Kaj Chak’s sister. See THK. p. 235.
52. Neither Hasan nor Haidar Malik has mentioned the name of Hasan Khan.
53. Hasan puts their number at twenty thousand. See THK. p. 235, but Narayan Koul Ajiz says that they were only eight thousand. THK. MS. f.
54. Juel (?). This place could not be identified. Its correct version could not be established.
55. The author’s use of the word ‘Kashmiri’ at this place does not mean Sanskrit language as stated earlier. There is historical evidence to prove that by this time colloquial Kashmiri language was in use.
56. Onc more name in the list of Kaji Chak’s fallen warriors is of Masihi [sic] Chak. See THK. p. 236.
57. According to Hasan he and his allies, Ghazi Chak and Daulat Chak were put in chains. THK. p. 236.
58. Hasan says that they fled to the land of Ghakhars. p. 236.
59. The statement is corroborated by Malik Haidar. , See THK. MS. f. 49b.
60. The immediate reason of Kamran’s incursion into Kashmir is not known. Hasan says that since Kashmir had no powerful governing authority, the neighbouring rulers coveted the land. THK. p. 237.
61. Mahram Beg Tashliqi and Shaykh Ali Beg Uzbek. See THK. p. 237.
62. be hukm-i padshahi kez harimash
be fahm asan shawad tafhim-i ferdaws
sofar kardam be su-i mulk-i Kashmir
kih az khubi dihad ta’lim-i ferdaws
chu kardam fath-e nim-e u be tarikh
khirad gufta kih fath-e nim-e ferdaws.
fath-e nim-e ferdaws yields A.H. 938 /A.D. 1531.
63. Southern quarter of Srinagar between Pampora and Batwara.
64. Hasan locates it at present-day Gupkar. See THK. p. 238. For more details see Rajat. ii, 290 and 454.
65. He sued for safety. See TMH. f. 50a
66. Hasan says that Lohar Magray was also one of the shareholders and his headquarters were at Bengil. See THK. p. 239.
67. At Kichhama not Bengil. See THK. p. 239.
68. Sa’id Khan in TMH MS. f. 50a and THK. p. 239.
69. Hasan says that he was a nephew (sister’s son) of Sultan Sayyid (Sa’id ?) Khan. THK. p. 240. The number of Mirza Haidar’s troops has been estimated at fourteen thousand soldiers and seven thousand horses. Describing the chaos caused by the Kashgharian troops in Kashmir, Hasan writes that people fled their homes and hid in caves and remote gorges. Men of learning and scholarship and of respectable status retired to the island of Lank in Wular lake. The nobles shut themselves up in the fortress of Hanjeek. See THK. p. 240.
70. Malik Haidar says that they hid themselves in the fort at Tsereh Vudar. See TMH. MS. f .50a.
71. It is interesting to note that the Turki soldiers are considered by the author as irreligious though Islam had made a footing in Central Asia ( Kashghar, Khotan etc.) much earlier than in Kashmir. The epithet ‘Islamic City’ for Srinagar has been used for the first time in this chronicle.
72. The island was raised bv Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin . See pp. 71-72 Supra.
73. Near the present-day town of Matan. The town was built by Raja Ram Dev. The plains of Kabul and Bagh-iSuleyman figured in an encomlum which the Qadi of Kashghar composed in praise of their victory in Kashmir. It runs as this:
kez maqdamash shud sarsabz-o khurram
sehra-i Babul Baghi Suleyman.
See THK pp. 178 and 242.
74. It seems necessary to point out why the Kashmiri commanders were forced to invoke the teachings and traditions of Islam because it is unusual that decrees had to be obtained from men learned in Islamic theology for purposes of fighting. The possible reason is that Turks were of Sunni faith whereas most of the Kashmiri nobles professed Shia’ faith. In order to win over the Sunnis of Kashmir and register their support in fighting the Turks, the Kashmiri commanders felt it necessary to get the decrees issued which justified their fighting and killing Turki (Muslim) soldiers.
75. For its ancient history, see Rajat. ii, 465.
76. ‘and’ (wa) in the text.
77. See note 73 supra.
78. Hasan says daughter. THK. p. 242.
79. The date of this event in Hasan is 10th of Har, the 14th year of Kashmiri calendar. THK. p. 242.
80. A.H. 941/A.D. 1534. THK. p. 243.
81. One kharwar is approximately eighty kilograms.
82. He was the second son of Muhammad Shah and son-inlaw of Kaji Chak. THK. p. 244.
83. Zenu/Zeti ?
84. Ghakkar mountains. See THK. p. 244.
86. Identified as Adam Khan Ghakkar. See THK. p. 244n.
87. Hasan writes that through Mirza Haidar and Khwaja Hajji Banday they conveyed to Humayun Padshah the details regarding the domination of the followers of Shams Iraqi and propagation of Shia’ faith in Kashmir and submitted a copy of Ahwat written by Shams ‘Iraqi. They requested for reform (islah) in religion and also for troops. THK. p. 248. Malik Haidar writes that Malik Abdal Magray and Malik Regi Chak brought Mirza Haidar Kashghari from the court of Humayun. TMH. MS. f. 52b.
88. Hasan writes that Mirza Hindal and other nobles advised Humayun against deciding to proceed to Kashmir. However, on the instance of the Kashmiri nobles and of his own wish, Mirza Haidar took leave of Humayun and with a contingent of four hundred troops proceeded to help the Magrays. See THK. p. 249 and Mirza Haidar’s Tarikh-iRashidi, p. 479.
89. The author makes no allusion to any fighting between the troops of Kaji Chak and Mirza Haidar. Perhaps it is because Malik Haidar says, “he had no strength for resistance.” See TMH. MS. f. 52b and THK. p. 249.
90. Hasan says that Kaji Chak gave him his niece, the daughter of Sultan Muhammad Shah, in marriage, but there is no mention of this either in the history of Malik Haidar or of Mirza Haidar Dughlat. See THK. p. 250.
91. Hasan says that it was Adil Khan. THK. p. 250.
92. It is five thousand soldiers in Hasan. THK p 250.
93. Should be Andarkot, the well-known fort of Hindu period in the village of the same name at the site of ancient Jayapur. See Rajat. iv. 506-11n.
94. Zalsu in TMH. MS. f. 53a.
95. Malik Haidar writes that in this battle Malik Muhammad Naji Chadura shot an arrow at Mirza Haidar’s horse which wounded the animal seriously and Mirza Haidar had to abandon it and take another horse. See TMH. MS. f. 53a.
96. This story does not figure in the histories of Hasan and Malik Haidar Chadura.
97. Mirza Haidar succeeded in winning the support of Malik Muhammad Naji through the latter’s relative named ‘Idi Raina. See TMH. MS. f. 53b.
98. The son of Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi. THK. p. 255.
99. It could not even be Kamaraj because Kamaraj was a pargana and not a village.
100. There are conflicting versions about Shaykh Daniyal’s movement from Tibet to Kashmir. Malik Haidar says that initially he had fled to Tibet because he feared Haidar. Later Haidar gave him a promise and brought him to this place. But soon after arriving in Kashmir, Haidar went back on his word and he was put to the sword. Hasan’s version is that Daniyal propagated his faith in Askardu. Mirza Haidar brought him to this place after reproaching him severely and put him in prison for one year. Later, on the strength of a few witnesses, Daniyal was charged with cursing the companions of the Prophet (sabh-i suhabah-ikabir bar u thabit kard). Qadi Ibrahim and Qadi ‘Abdul Ghaffur issued a decree against him and he was put to the sword. See TMH. MS. f. 54a and THK. p. 255.
101. A.H. 951 (A.D. 1544) in THK. p. 252.
102. Present-day Gulmarg.
103. Thana in Rajouri in THK. p. 252.
104. The details about the plunder and persecution of Shias destruction of their houses, burning of the khanqah and desecration of the grave of Mir Shamsu’d-Din Iraqi, see THK. p. 254.
105. Shangli Rishl, a disciple of Baba Ali Najjar. Another notable person executed was Sufi Dawud. Another person named Mir Ali was expelled from Kashmir. See TMH. MS. f. 54a
106. See note 100 supra.
107. Hasan writes that the execution of Daniyal by Mirza Haidar created a sense of insecurity among the people and Shias, in particular, became more active in opposing him. See TMK. p. 255. Malik Haidar records the story of one Baba Ali to prove Mirzai Haidar’s partiality. He says that such acts incurred him the hatred of Kashmiri commanders. They began to conspire to put him to death. See TMH. MS. f 54b.
108. In the district of Poonch between the towns of Poonch and Kotli See Gazetteer, p. 267.
109. A nephew of Mirza Haidar. See THK. p. 256.
110. Hasan’s break up of the soldiers is 1000 Mughals and 1500 Kashmiris. THK. p. 256.
111. Hasan writes that almost everybody induced him to undertake this campaign. Malik Haidar writes that he sent ‘Idi Raina towards the Indian mountains. See THK. p. 256 and TMH. MS. f. 54b.
112. When Mirza Haidar was informed about it, he retorted by saying that the Mughals in no way lagged behind the Kashmiris in intrigues and fomenting trouble. The news of the betrayal was conveyed to him by Hasan Magray through his brother Ali Magray. See THK. p. 256.
113. A.H. 957/A.D 1550.
114. Tufang in Persian means a musket.
115. See THK. p. 257.
116. See Rajat vii, 1271 and 1278. Hasan calls them Ghakhars. See THF;. p. 258.
117. ‘Idi Raina deputed five hundred soldiers under the command of Shams Chak and Naji Malik to besiege the fort. However Hasan does not comment on the strategy adopted by Kashmiri commanders to trap the Mughal troops. See THK. p. 257.
118. Hasan writes that while Haidar camped at Zaldagar, Fath Shah, with a strong force of three thousand soldiers proceeded to Andarkot where he set Mirza Haidar’s house on fire. As a retaliatory measure Mirza Haidar’s supporters burnt Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin’s buildings in Sopor. The houses of ‘Idi Raina and Nowroz Chak were also set on fire in the city. However, Mirza Haidar did not approve of such acts. See THK. p. 258.
119. Many of his associates were put to the sword along with him. THK. p. 259.
120. Khuda na tars in the text.
121. Zaldagar in THK. p. 258.
122. See Rajat. i, 168n.
123. Probably present Mahanor.
124. Mirza Haidar halted at Ompora. See TMH. MS. f. 55a.
125. Historians have given contradictory statements about Mirza Haidar’s end. He was struck by an arrow: killed by an accident; murdered by a butcher with an axe . See THK. p. 260 and TMH. MS. f. 55b. Hasan also writes that Daulat Chak, Ghazi Chak and others wanted to throw the dead body of Mirza Haidar to dogs, but Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi, Husain Magray, and some more people of Sunni faith lifted the dead body five days after he was murdered and buried it in the Mazar-i-Salatin on the left side of the grave of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin.
The chronogram inscribed on the tombstone is as this:
Shah-i Gurkan Mirza Haidar akhir
be mulk-i shahadat zadeh kus-i shahi
qaza-e ilahi chunin bud tarikh
shudeh bahr-i waslash qaza-i ilahi
Malik Haidar writes that in spite of the misdeeds of Mirza Haidar, the Kashmiri commanders magnanimously handed over his family members to Qara Bahadur and gave them a courteous send-off to Kashghar. See TMH. MS. f. 55b.
126. Hasan says that he was deputed by Salim Shah with a strong force to conquer Kashmir. THK. p. 263. The name given in Tabaqat-i-Akbari is Islam Shah, p. 620.
127. Among the slain was Azam Humayun, the wife of Haibat Khan Niyazi. Tabaqat-i-Akbari. p. 620.
128. The Chaks of Kupwara professed Sunni faith. See THK. p. 265.
129. Hasan exaggeratingly computes the number of the dead in thousands. THK. p. 266.
130. In pargana Votar. THK. p . 266.
131. For the story of Shiekh Daniyal see note 100 supra.
132. Hasan writes that after the execution of Shaykh Daniyal, his dead body was buried at a place called Shoonsh Mar. The popular legend is that Shoonsh Mar existed somewhere near present Chadura. Later on the body was buried in the graveyard of Mir Shams ‘Iraqi. See THK. p. 267.
133. Fortieth day after the martyrdom of Imam Husain, observed by the Shia’ community. To make the
devotees recite from the scripture for forty days without break and ending with the fortieth day of Imam Husain’s martyrdom is called ba arba in nishandan.
134. The sufl / dervish order of which Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani was the founder.
135. Hasan writes that developed as well as undeveloped lands around the locality were forcibly taken away from their owners and given as a gift to Hasan Baba. This contradicts the statement of the chronicler. See THK. p. 268.
136. Hasan writes that Daulat Chak oppressed the Hindus and the people of Sunni faith and forced them to give up their religion. THK. p. 268.
137. It is corroborated by Hasan. See THK. p. 268.
138. Probably Manasbal lake.
139. The immediate reason for difference, between Daulat Clnak and his rivals was that through deceit and cunning Daulat Chak contrived his marriage with the second wife of Kaji Chak, who also happened to be the mother of Ghazi Khan, Husain Khan and Ali Khan. This infuriated Ghazi Khan and others. THK. p. 269.
140. He was captured by a shepherd who recognized him because of his immense corpulence. Malik Haidar has recorded two interesting stories about Daulat Chak’s physical strength. When he went to Sher Shah Suri for help, he demonstrated to him that he could stop an elephant from moving by holding it by its tail. Another story is that during the construction of a house, a log of wood, twenty yards in length and a yard thick slipped from the hands of the labourers who were hauling it. The Malik held the big log with only one hand and placed the other on the earth to support himself. Under the weight of the log, his hand deepend upto the forearm into the earth . See TMH. M S. f. 57b.