Baharistan-i-Shahi – Chapter 3

Baharistan-i-Shahi – Chapter 3 – EARLY SHAHMIRS

Sultan Shamsu’d-Din

Sultan Shamsu’d-Din was gifted with intelligence and sagacity and established cordial relations with all the leading personalities and chiefs of the domain of Kashmir. He also entered into matrimonial relations with them by giving his daughters in marriage to their sons[1] and by accepting their daughters in marriage to his sons. Thus he established harmonious relations with the nobles and the leading personalities [of Kashmir]. Sometime later, Rinchu (Rinchan), in accordance with the Qura’nic saying that “all that lives must taste of death,” left the “world of toil for the abode of eternal peace, ” having reigned for two years and six months. He died in A.H. 727 (A.D. 1326).

Koteh Rani

His widow Koteh Ren[2] [Rani], with the consent of the chiefs of the day, recalled Uden (Udyana) Dev,[3] the brother of Suh Dev, who had fled to the lands of Swadgir during the disturbances caused by Zulji (Zulchu). He was installed on the throne and she married him. This Uden (Udyana) Dev was weak and incompetent and given to monastic life. His wife Koteh Ren (Rani) in effect held the reins of the government of Kashmir. She bore him a son whom she entrusted to the care of one of the chiefs of the land, named Tejeh[4] Bhat Kakehpuri.
At that time, a group of Turks soldiers entered into Kashmir from Hirpur. Coward and pusillanimous as he was, Uden (Udyana) Dev fled towards Tibet, but his wife Koteh Ren (Rani) exhibited singular courage by infusing a heroic spirit in her brother Ravan Raina, Sultan Shamsu’dDin, and Tejeh Bhat Kakehpuri, and managing to rally round her all the kotwals of Kashmir and the people [commandants] of the forts. Weapons for fighting [the enemy] were procured and the Turkish intruders were subjected to harassment. At last truce was made and they [the Turks] were made to quit the land. Negotiations of vital importance in connection with this event were largely conducted by Shah Mir. Thus his prestige and position were further enhanced[6] and most of the areas of the kingdom came under his control.[7] Koteh Ren (Rani) recalled her imbecile husband from Tibet and re-installed him on the throne. In he year A.H. 742 (A.D. 1341), “the cup of his life tumbled upside down as a result of the rotation of spheres.”[8] He ruled for fifteen years, two months and two days. Consequent upon his death, his wife Koteh Ren (Rani) held the reins of kingdom for five months. Her headquarters were at Andarkol.[9]

Shah Mlr found that the realm of Kashmir lacked a government by men of ability. He was reminded of the words of his ancestor and began to nurse the ambition of capturing power and kingship. He took leave of Koteh Ren (Rani), and settled in the city of Kashmir. Through his genial disposition, he succeeded in winning the favour of the chiefs and elders of the state. He got Tejeh Bhat Kakehpuri murdered because he refused to cooperate with him.[10] He assembled the chiefs and besieged Koteh Ren (Rani) at Andarkol. After overpowering her, he bound her willynilly in a marriage contract with himself. [11] Two hundred and eleven years elapsed between the beginning of the reign of Zayeh Dev and the time under reference. From Zayeh Dev to Uden (Udyana) Dev, thirteen rulers ruled over Kashmir, generation after generation. Koteh Ren (Rani) was the fourteenth in order of succession and Rinchan fifteenth in the course of two hundred and eleven years.

In A.H. 742 (A.D. 1341), Shah Mir ascended the throne of Kashmir and assumed the title Shamsu’d-Din by which he is known even today.[12] He ruled for a period of three years and five months and died in the year A.H. 746 (A.D. 1345). He was survived by two sons, Sultan Jamshid and Sultan ‘Alau’d-Din.

Sultan Jamshid

Shamsu’d-Din was succeeded by his elder son Sultan Jamshid who ruled for a year and two months, after which he fell out with his brother. In an armed confrontation which ensued in the village of Vantipore,[13] Sultan Jamshid suffered a defeat,[14] following which Sultan ‘Alau’d-Din ascended the throne in A.H. 748 (A.D. 1347).


He ['Alau'd-Din] had two sons, Shihabu’d-Din and Qutbu’d-Din. During the reign of ‘Alau’d-Din it so happened that his eldest son, Shihabu’d-Din, in the course of a hunting expedition, strayed into a jungle in the mountains along with his three companions Chandar, Udsheh Rawal and Ikhtuji. [15] Their other followers were left far behind. Suddenly there appeared a woman from the woods[16] who had signs of austerity and righteousness stamped on her face. She offered a cup of sharbet (drink) to Shihabu’dDin and exhorted him to drink it. He took the cup from her hand unhesitatingly and drank it, leaving only the dregs for his comrades. Chandar drank half a draught out of it. So did Udsheh, leaving nothing for Ikhtaji. Then the woman told them that she would speak to them about the future events of their lives: “The throne and the kingdom shall pass into the hands of this Shihabu’d-Din and he shall conquer many more lands and territories which none of the rulers of Kashmir have ever commanded. “She told Chandar and Udsheh Rawal that they would become responsible for discharging vitally important duties in the shaping of [the future] events [of the kingdom]. She further told them that as a proof of what she foretold they would find that this Ikhtaji, who did not have the good luck to drink even a drop out of the cup, would go to the other world before reaching his present destination.

They returned from the hunt and, before actually reaching their destination, the messenger of death overtook Ikhtaji: from the world of matter he moved on to that of spirit. This confirmed the authenticity of the predictions made by that woman and they expected that the other items of her predictions would also come true. ‘Alau’d-Din’s rule lasted twelve years and eight months. He founded the locality of Alau’d-Din Pora where he himself lived.[17] In A.H. 761 (A.D. 1359), he breathed his last;[18] he lies buried under a tomb at ‘Alau’d-Din Pora.

Sultan Shihabu’d-Din

After the death of ‘Alau-Din, his eldest son Shihabu’dDin succeeded him to the throne. Two of his nobles, Chandsar [sic] Dev,[19] a descendant of the line of Chandas, and Ujani Raina were the commanders of his troops. Udsheh Rawal was his adviser and also held the charge of the collector of taxes, duties and revenues of Kashmir. It was he who imposed iki [sic] on boatmen which meant that for one week in a month they were required to render service to the king without receiving wages or remuneration. Many more practices [of extortion, besides the one mentioned] were initiated by him and of these some continue to this day. It was Sultan Muhammad ‘Ali Shah, God Almighty pardon his sins, who discarded the practice of iki [imposed] on the boatmen.

Sultan Shihabu’d-Din ruled for nineteen years during which he engaged himself mostly in subjugating and annexing adjoining territories to his kingdom. This kept him away from Kashmir and he visited it sparingly. The recounters of the events of kings and the choniclers of mighty monarchs have recorded in their annals that Kashmir never saw a king of his valour and a warrior of his intrepidity. Details concerning this have been adequately recorded in the history of written in Kashmiri (Sanskrit).[20] He [the historian] says that if the stories and anecdotes of his remarkable bravery are fully described, people are likely to ascribe them to his poetical exaggeration and as such would be taken as false. They would doubt their veracity. That is why only brief details are given here:

When Kashmir fell into a state of chaos and confusion because of Zulchu’s ravages, it took her considerable time to repair the loss and gradually regain its prosperity. In each pargana villagers joined hands and strengthened their forts. They chose one among them as their leader and claimed to be independent and autocratic. They were not prepared to submit themselves to one another’ s authority. Although some of them did recognize the governor of the city as their overlord and sent presents and gifts to him, yet, strictly speaking, they did not observe the norms of loyalty and submission.

The first and foremost step which Shihabu’d-Din took after ascending the throne of his father was to coordinate civil administration of the parganas in Kashmir. Within a short time, he welded the whole of Kashmir into a single unit. Some of the defiant chiefs and lards of parganas were put to the sword and the others were brought under subjugation .


Having completed the aforesaid measures in Kashmir, he paid attention to the conquest of the neighbouring lands. At the head of a small contingent of troops he came out from Baramulla.[21] His first conquests were those of the lands of Pakli (Pakhli) and Swadgir, followed by the domain of Kakars (Ghakhars). Then he set out for the conquest of Multan. Later he headed towards Kabul and Laghman[22] to restore order in those places. After the conquest and occupation of these lands, he marched towards Badakhshan, and conquered it. From there, he proceeded towards the mountains of Buhlr, Gilgit, and Dardu. The next expedition was to Tibet, which he had firmly resolved to conquer. In those days, Tibet was under the suzerainty of the ruler of Kashghar. On hearing of Sultan’s expedition he gathered together a large number of soldiers and headed towards Tibet where, eventually, the two hostile forces confronted each other. In the ensuing battle each side showed feats of heroism and bravery. Although the troops of the ruler of Kashghar outnumbered the Kashmiris, yet, as the saying goes “when God wills the smaller number shall prevail over the larger number, ” Shihabu’ d-Din emerged victorious . The Kashgharian army was routed and their soldiers dispersed helter-skelter. The victorious Shihabu’d-Din then proceeded via Tibet to conquer Nagarkot and restore order in those areas. He conquered those regions and from there he entrusted the campaign of Kothwar (Kishtwar) to Malik Chandar.[23] He took possession of the whole of the mountain range right upto Jammu. From each town and land that fell into the hands of Sultan Shihabu’d-Din, he carried along with him their gallant and famous warriors, war-veterans and war-horses.

After the conquest of Nagarkot, Shihabu’d-Din resolved to conquer the lands of Hindustan. For this purpose, he assessed the numerical strength of his army, cavalry and foot-soldiers. The number came to fifty thousand horsemen and five lakh soldiers. [24] With this force, he proceeded towards Delhi to conquer the lands of Hind. The king of Delhi at that time was Feroz Shah. Shihabu’d-Din reached the village of Sateh Ledar.[25] Feroz Shah also arrived at the same place at the head of a large army. For some months the two armies confronted each other and no one could overpower the other. At last negotiations were started and hostilities ceased.[26] The lands lying beyond Sirhind right upto Kashmir came under the control of Sultan Shihabu’d-Din. Thus by the grace of the Creator of the World, he returned to Kashmir by Hirpur route carrying his banner of victory and beating the trumpet of his triumph.[27]

The town of Shihabu’d-Din Pora [28] founded during the reign of Sultan Shamsu’d-Din was re-built and considerably developed after the Sultan conquered the Indian lands. It was developed into a pleasure spot where people came for relaxation and enjoyment. He ordered the construction of a Jamia’ mosque in that town.[29]

In order to ensure the safety of his country and the security of its borders, the Sultan sent there some of his nobles and chiefs. He conferred upon Ujani Raina-a descendant of the line of Chandas the village of Chadura as his place of residence.[30] He was sent to Kabul and Laghman to consolidate gains [of conquest] and to enforce security [of those areas]. He first brought Kabul under control and then attended to the defence of Laghman. But there he breathed his last and his dead body was carried all the way back to Chadura where it was buried.
Sultan Shihabu’d-Din addressed himself to such works as would help him get peace in the world hereafter. He arranged a tomb and a burial place for himself to be used after his death. Towards the fag end of his life, he was infused with a zeal for delmolishing idol-houses and destroying the temples and idols of the infidels. He destroyed the massive temple at Beejeh Belareh [31] (Bijbehara). He had designs to destroy all the temples and put an end to the entire community of the infidels.[32] But death overtook him in the year A.H. 780 (A.D 1378). As he lay dying, the glory of kingship, the innumerable troops and a long retinue of liveried servants proved of no avail [to him]. The monarch of his soul that reigned over the realm of his body left his mortal abode and arrived in the everlasting world.[33]


He was succeeded by his brother, Sultan Qutbu’d-Din,[34] who founded Qutbu’d-Din Pora and made it his residential headquarters. Here he built himself a lofty palace the like of which had not been built by his predecessors, except the Palace at Andarkol. The east of the city was selected for a graveyard where he built a tomb [for himself]. A large number of God-fearing men, saints and spiritualists lie buried in that graveyard.

Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani

Sultan Qutbu’d-Din ruled for sixteen years. During his time and in the year A.H. 783 (A.D. 1381), though some say in A.H. 773 (A.D. 1371), His Holiness arrived in Kashmir.[35] God knows better! The protector of the realm of Spirituality, the holder of the position of guidance, the denizen of the hermitage where there is none but God, inmate of the cloister where one merges with the Supreme, monarch on the throne of immortality, the peer of ‘Ali, Amir Sayyid Ali Hamadani, God sanctify his soul, consecrated the land of Kashmir by planting on its soil his most august footsteps. [This event] enhanced the prestige of the inhabitants of this land to supreme heights. Sultan Qutbu’d-Din paid him the highest regard by receiving him [ in person ] with sincerity and conviction. Although Sultan Qutbu’d-Din had been admitted to the Islamic faith, in those days none of the ‘Ulema and men of learning in Kashmir preached religion without hypocrisy. The Qadis and the theologians of those days paid scant attention to things permitted or prohibited [in Islamic religion] and, because the teachings of Islamic faith had not been enforced fully, Sultan Qutbu’d-Din had married two women who were uterine sisters. When Amir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani came to know of it, he forbade him to do so. Sultan Qutbu’d-Din divorced one of his two wives of his free will;[36] with the other he entered into a new marriage contract and made her wear his dress.[37] Sultan Sikandar, the Iconoclast, was born to her after this marriage.

In those days the majority of people was that of infidels and polytheists. The inhabitants of this land wore the common and popular dress of the infidels. Sultan Qutbu’d-Din also dressed himself after their fashion. But at the behest of the Sayyid, he abandoned that costume and adopted the Muslim dress.

The Sayyid presented to the Sultan a cap from his personal wardrobe by way of a token; he considered it a mark of exaltation, and wore it under his crown. All the succeeding rulers of his line observed the practice of wearing it under the crown because they considered it a symbol of exaltation in this world and the other. This practice continued down to the times of Sultan Fath Shah; after his death, it was put in his shroud. A dervish who attended upon the people of that order learnt that the cap of Amir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani had been put in the shroud [of the dead Sultan]. He declared it as a sinister omen, an indication that kingship and authority would forsake that house for good.[33] And so it did happen. Upto that day the rulers of this house had enjoyed independence and were so powerful that they could dismiss anybody they wished from his official position or elevate anyone they liked to a position of command and prestige. But after the death of Fath Shah, the rulers of the house lost their power and authority. Thereafter each day witnessed a gradual decline in their authority till they were finally replaced by the dynasty of the Chaks, whose account will follow [at its proper place].
Again it needs to be recorded that for some of the time which the holy Amir spent in Kashmir he lived in a sarai at ‘Alau’d-Din Pora. At the site where his khanqah was built, there existed a small temple which was demolished and converted into an estrade on which he offered namaz (prayer) five times a day and recited portions of the Qur’an morning and evening. Sultan Qutbu’d-Din occasionally attended these congregational prayers.

In those days there lived a sirdar called Ladi Magray[39] who belonged to the clan of Magrays. He came to the holy Amir with all sincerety and humility, laying his head in humble submission at his threshold. The saint, bestowing upon him his love and affection, accredited him as his standard-bearer. On account of this distinction, the clan of Magrays stole a march over the rest of the clans of sirdars and chiefs of Kashmir. Sultan Qutbu’d-Din failed to propagate Islam in accordance with the wishes’ and aspirations of Amir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani and as such the latter found himself reluctant to stay on in this land. Consequently, after a short while, he left via Baramulla under the pretext of proceeding on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Bearing his standard,[40] Ladi Magray accompanied him upto the banks (waters) of Panbeh [sic] Drang. The governors and rulers of those lands showed great respect to the Sayyid and each one of them expressed his sincere loyalty to him. They entreated him to make a halt at their respective places. In A.H. 786 (A.D. 1384), he died at Paneri [sic] in the vilayat of Swadgir on the sizth of Dhu’l-Hijja. In this connection Shaykh Muhammad Berai [sic] has found this chronogram:

Chu shud az gahi Ahmad khatime din
ze hijrat haft-sado shast-o thamanin
biraft az ‘alam-i fani be baqi
Amir-e har do ‘alam zal-i Yasin.

The year of his death has been recorded in another chronogram:

Murshid-i salikan , Shah-e Hamdan
kez damash bagh-i ma’rifat bishguft
mazhar-i noor-i haqq kih ruyash bud
‘aqabat az jahaniyan benihuft
‘aql tarikh-i sal-i rahlat-i u
Sayyid-i ma ‘Ali-e thani guft.

After his death, his sacred remains were carried by his followers and the faithful to Khatlan where they made a burial place for these. All the details concerning his death and the carrying of the catafalque have been recorded by Nuru’d-Din Ja’ far Badakhshi in Khula Satu’l-Manaqib.

Sultan Sikandar

Sultan Qutbu’d-Din died [42] in A.H. 796 (A.D. 1393) and was succeeded by his dear and fortunate son; I mean that the devout, just, the protector of religion, the wielder of good fortune, the recepient of special favour of Master Bestower (God), Sultan Sikandar, the idol-breaker, God enlighten him in the grave, became the king of the realm of Kashmir. [43]

Mir Sayyid Muhammad

During the period of this glorious king’s reign, the holy Amir Sayyid Muhammad, the son of Amir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani, graced this land with his footsteps.[44] to him [Sayyid Muhammad] goes the credit of wiping out the vestiges of infidelity and heresy from the mirror of the conscience of the dwellers of these lands. Through sermonising and exhortations, he succeeded in enlightening the hearts of the people with the world-embellishing faith of the choicest among men-the faith of Islam. Despite the inexperience of a youth, he was gifted with remarkable piety and knowledge of sciences, esoteric as well as exoteric. Sharh-e Shameh [sic] is his work on logic.[45] He also wrote a tract on mysticism for Sultan Sikandar, in which he has clearly recorded that he was twenty-two years old at the time of writing that book.

Immediately after his arrival, Sultan Sikandar, peace be on him, submitted to his religious supremacy[46] and proved his loyalty to him by translating his words into deeds. He eradicated aberrant practices and infidelity.[47] He also put an end to the various forbidden and unlawful practices throughout his kingdom. Thus during the entire period of his rule, lasting nearly twenty-six years, all traces of wines and intoxicants and instruments of vice and corruption, like the cord of canticle, lyre, or tamborin were wiped off. The clamour of the drum and the trumpet, and the shrill notes of the fife and the clarion no lorger reached people’s ears, except in battles and assaults.[48] After the end of the rule of that king, the supporters and upholders of disbelief and darkness, who helped the growth of infidelity and polytheism, revived their practices. Day after day the customs of religious innovators and polytheists gained currency more than what they had in previous times.
During the days of the late Sultan Sikandar, Malik Suh Bhatt the chief and general of the king, embraced Islam on the initiation of Amir Sayyid Muhammad. He discarded the faith of the infidels and aberrant practices and accepted Islam with purity of heart and sincerity of conscience. Amir Sayyid Muhammad conferred upon him the title of Malik Saifu’d-Din.[49] Thus Sultan Sikandar and Malik Saifu’d-Din, God bless them both, joined hands to gear their full effort towards the eradication of infidelity and other aberrant practices.[50] They raised the banner of Islam and the standard of the faith of the chosen among people to the highest pinnacle of glory and exaltation. Through the blessings and support of Islam and by the propagation of the commands of the sharia’, they were rewarded with victories wherever they led their armies, confirming the saying that “God helps those who help Muhammad’s religion.”

During his (Sultan Sikandar’s) days, Khaqan-i Sahib Qiran, Mirza Timur Gorkan conquered India. He showed love and affection to the above-mentioned Sultan and sent him a pair of elephants as a gift.[51]

It was also during his time that the Sayyids of Baihaq arrived in Kashmir. They had left their native place Sabzewar owing to the invasion of Mirza Timur Korkan and had got scattered over India. But unable to find a safe and tranquil abode in Kashmir, they returned to the plains of India, where they ultimately settled in the town of Jarichah near Delhi. Details of this event will be recorded at the relevant place. They came to Kashmir again along with their entourage during the reign of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin, and finally settled here.

Baihaqi Sayyids

What follows now is the story of this clan. Mr Sayyid Mahmud Baihaqi, son of Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi and a grandson of Sayyid Jalal, did not adequately reflect on finding solutions to the problems arising out of the emergence of Mirza Timur. Resigning himself to the will of God and relying on his [quality of] steadfastness, he fought the overwhelming army of Timur.

[ verses ]

His troops suffered defeat and he fled towards India. On his way he visited the shrine of Ima Reza- salutes and respect to him- to offer his respects. In order to be blessed with knowledge, he retired to a secluded corner in the shrine, and after five days, with awakened mind and vision, saw the Imam in his dream. He prostrated before him as a mark of respect and made a humble submission to him that in his childhood, he had not read anything from books of learning nor had he tried to acquire knowledge. The Imam rubbed his saliva on his tongue which gave Sayyid Mahmud such eloquence that he became one among the learned. The saliva of Imam Reza [also] gave him mystic powers. When he woke up from his dream, he found himself a wise and discriminating person. He found that he had been gifted with wisdom and powers of discrimination to a degree that was neither possible nor imaginable.

After that he left the holy town of Meshhad and arrived in the prestigious city of Delhi during the reign of Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din. On being informed of his arrival, the Sultan showed him due respect by receiving him in person. He sat in his company for a while during which he showed all possible respect to him. The learned and scholerly men of the city would discuss their problems with him and he, with the help of his inspired knowledge, would solve their difficulties.

[ verses ]

After a few days, Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din ordered a grand celebration. Peals of music sounded forth from the harp and the dulcimer; the lute and the organ; the tamborin and bellhanging staff; the violin and the cornet. The harp, the rebeck, and the sikh-i-khatai were played upon; and a quaint melody in Iraqi[52] was raised. The sunlike drum (daf) and the moonlike violin (kemancheh) also came into play. The learned and the celebrated and the elite and the noble from all parts [of the country] living in Delhi gathered together. Upto that day, the sun-the headless and footless globetrotter-had never cast its rays on such a galaxy of brilliant people. The sky, which, through a hundred thousand eyes of its stars and comets, watches closely men and their affairs on this earth had never caught sight of such an assembly.

[ verses ]

Mir Sayyid Mahmud composed two panegyrics in praise of Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din with sham’ and chiragh as qafiyas. Historians have feared the length of the panegyrics and have recorded only the following verses:

[ verses ]

That night Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din heard many strange and sensational things from Mir Sayyid Mahmud. As the sun donned his golden crown and raised its head in the East, Mir Sayyid Mahmud composed this extempore panegyric in praise of the Sultan:

[ verses ]

Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din greatly trusted the words of Mir Sayyid Mahmud. He permitted him to retire to his resting place so that the crowds left the royal palace.

The aforesaid Sultan had a daughter of unparalleled beauty. With regard to the matter of her marriage, he, first of all, held consultations with his courtiers and privy counsellors. They unanimously opined that none but the noble Mir Sayyid Mahmud was qualified for this high favour; any other suggestion would amount to indulging in an exercise in futility. The suggestion of the courtiers was approved by the Sultan and they were entrusted with the mission of negotiating this matrimonial alliance. :But when they made this suggestion to Mir Sayyid-of venerable lineage-, he declined saying that in the holy shrine of Imam Reza, he had received a message from the Inscrutable World that he had been honoured with the title of a dervish, and his entering into matrimonial alliance with the royal house was impracticable. He suggested to them that they could perhaps consider his nephew, Mir Sayyid Hasan, the son of Mir Sayyid Shah, for this alliance and that this special favour could be granted to him. He further told them: “I shall consider this development as an inexhaustible good fortune. I vouch for Mir Hasan’s intelligence, merit, loyalty and sincerity. It is likely that this may create doubts in the mind of the Sultan and he might impute motives to my suggestion. But the fact is that after fighting the overwhelming forces of Sahib Qiran, I retired to the holy city of Meshhad and in the shrine there, the invisible tongue of the Imam conferred upon me the title of dervish. This fact is known to every one.”
Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din’s courtiers conveyed these words to him. Dismissing all doubts and controversial inferences, he told them that he would fulfil the wishes of a pure person’ (mumin) as both the honourable Sayyids were two pearls from one shell.

After a few days, the privy counsellors of the Sultan made elaborate arrangements for collecting gorgeous robes commensurate with their status and worthy of being presented to the royalty and also procured swift horses and camels and an unimaginable quantity of provisions, and then set up a grand feast. Then they carried the chaste betrothed one to Mir Sayyid Hasan Baihaqi. The whole of Sambal and Mian-do- Ab was conferred upon him as his jagir. The pargana of Dankur in the vicinity of Delhi was given to him as his dwelling place. Thus the group [of Sayyids] settled at Jarichah. They subdued and suppressed almost all the headstrong and defiant people of that locality and exacted taxes and tributes from them. Between Sambal and Miando-Ab, they set up security posts at vulnerable points. If a traveller, for some reason, was forced to leave behind his luggage at one of these points, the militant people of the area, fearing this group, would carry it on their backs and heads and bring it to the town of Jarichah.

However, the world and its denizens at large know full well that the turbulent spheres do not let the faithful live in peace and permanence, and [consequently] Sultan Ghiathu’dDin responded to the call of the inevitable.
After the death of Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din, a dervish, after visiting Kashmir, passed through Lahore and Delhi and arrived in Jarichah, where he was introduced to Sayyid Mahmud. He praised Kashmir before him and also recounted to him the tales of just dispensations of Sultan Sikandar, the Iconoclast. This excited in Mir Sayyid a desire to visit that land. He and his warriors left their families-children and womenfolk;-at Delhi and Jarichah and set out for Kashmir via Hirpur. Sultan Sikandar came out to receive them in the city. Their association flourished so much that Mir Sayyid almost forgot his desire of governing Sabzewar and Mian-do-Ab. The remaining part of the story of this group will be resumed at its proper place.

Men of learning

During the reign of that devout king (Sultan Sikandar) eminent and well-known scholars arrived in this land from different cities and places.[53] A fairly large number of revered Sayyids and generous noblemen who had various attainments to their credit graced this land with their august steps. Among them is the versatile and remarkable Mir Sayyid Ahmad bin Sayyid Muhmmad Isfahani whose work Tanvir is based on the commentary on Faraiz-i-Sirraji.[54] This book gives evidence of his sharp intelligence and powers of elucdating subtle truths and sublime realities. Besides this work, his epistles exhibit his superb command over rhetoric. Another man of erudition among the immigrants is Sayyid Muhammad Khawari, Khawari being his pen-name. Khawar Nameh is one of his works. In the field of mysticism, he wrote a commentary on Lum’at. Both these learned men were devoted and close followers of Amir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani. They have expressed their devotion and adherence to the Sayyid in some of their works. Yet another learned and true Sayyid and the upholder of the faith is Qadi Sayyid Hassan Shirazi, who had held the post of a Qadi in Shiraz. On arriving in this country during the reign of the late Sultan Sikandar, he was appointed to the post of a Qadi. There is a tract in his own hand, in which the Ratniyeh [sic] hadith have been collected. At the end of the tract, the Qadi has recorded that he had shown it to the exalted and venerable Mir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani, who had duly authenticated it. It should not remain unknown that though some of the learned men have raised doubts about Ratniyeh hadith, yet most of the ‘ulema, the grand doctors, and prominent scholars have accepted them as authentic. It is thus clear that in this matter the Qadi was among the pupils of Amir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani.

In the days of that devout ruler (Sultan Sikandar), a large number of exalted Shaykhs and respectable Sayyids, who were men of extraordinary attainments and of spiritual powers, arrived in this land. One of these was Amir Sayyid Ahmad Madani, who had migrated from Medina along with his family and settled in this land. Many extraordinary spiritual feats are attributed to him. After his death, his burial place became a shrine which common people frequented to receive blessings and for the fulfilment of their desires. Another person is Shaykh Jalal Bukhari who had came to this land from Bukhara along with a large number of his companions including the Sayyids of respectable status. His grave can be found in the graveyard of the native Sultans. The burial places of the Sayyids who had accompanied him have become shrines visited by people. For instance, both Mir Sayyid Taju’d-Din and Mir Sayyid Burhan are buried at Iskandar Pora- a locality laid out by Sultan Sikandar.[55] Sayyid Nuru’d-Din, who is buried in Qutbu’d-Din Pora locality,[56] was a comparion of Shaykh Jalalu’d-Din. Another person is Baba Hajji Adham who had come from Balkh along with a large number of his followers and attendants. Baba Hasan Mantaqi, father of Mir Veys, is buried in the Mazar-i-Salatin and he, too, was among the followers of Baba Hajji Adham. The great grandfather of the writer of these pages named Mulla Hasamu’d-Din was also a follower of Baba Hajji Adham and had accompanied him from Ghazna. He served in the kitchen of that saint and his group of dervishes.[57] This Baba Hajji Adham lived to see the times of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidln. After his death, his body was buried in the well-known garden called Bagh-i Mir Veys-an endowment property-at the foot of the Khanqah of Mulla Parsa near Koh-i-Maran.[58] His grave has become famous for visits [by the needy].

Mir Veys

Baba Hajji Adham’s disciple, Baba Hasan Mantaqi, though a married man, lived the life of an ascetic. Once Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin requested him for a gift. A few days later the Baba carried something in the sleeve of his leathercoat[59] and came to Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin. He asked him to stretch out the hemline of his gown to receive the gift. The Baba put a month-old infant in his lap, saying. “This is my gift to you. Take proper care of him.” The Sultan carried the infant to his private chamber and entrusted it to the care of his chief mistress, the daughter of Seydan Baihaqi. A nurse was engaged to look after the infant. It is said that the queen bore no child to the Sultan. When Mir Veys [60] was given to her, out of extreme maternal love and affection, her breasts were filled with milk. Mir Veys suckled on the milk of the queen as well as the nurse. Whatever portion of knowledge and learning fell to the share of Mir Veys was through the care of Sultan Zainu’l'Abidin, and whatever he acquired of asceticism and mystecism was inherited by him from his father and Baba Hajjl Adham.
Another person among those who arrived in this land during the reign of the devout king ( Sikandar ) is Mulla Parsa.[61] He too was gifted with piety and purity and had various attainments and virtues to his credit. At the foot of the Koh-i-Maran, he built a khanqah for himself.

Sikandar’s achievements

The august king and the upholder of the laws of religion granted villages, hamlets, habitations, and houses, commensurate with their needs and status, to each of the ‘ulema, the learned, the ascetic, the pious, the noble, the Sayyid and the Qadi. These were by way of endowments and stipends so that they were provided with the means of subsistence. Villages and hamlets thus endowed were given as permanent holds to be inherited by their future generations, without any break. Thus their successors continue to hold these endowments down to his day.

The same king (Sultan Sikandar) created the post of Shaykhu’l-Islam in this land. A large number of hamlets and villages were selected from each pargana and set apart as endowed to that noble post so that stipends and alms could be provided through that source for distribution among the learned, the Qadis, the Sayyids, the mendicants, the needy, the pilgrims and the travellers, in accordance with the needs and rights of each.

He also built a hospital, Daru’l-Shifa, in this land, where food, medicines and other requirements were provided for patients and the ailing ones. The physicians and medical practitioners of this land were given stipends and financial assistance to enable them to attend to the sick. They were required to pay daily visits to the hospital, diagnose diseases and prescribe treatments and cures. These acts of charity, which have continued to this day, were the result of the august company and counsel of Amir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani. It was through his blessings that this noble and religious-minded king was able to support and strengthen the law of Muhammad and to promote and advance his religion and community. So long as Amir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani lived in this land, the pargana of Mattan was provided for his subsistence. He built a two-storeyed mosque by the side of the spring of Bhavan, a spring of unparalleled clean and transparent waters.
Jami Mosque

The late religious-minded king Sultan Sikandar, built the locality of Navato [62] for his residence. There he built a magnificent palace, the like of which did not exist [before]. A lofty and imposing Jami’ mosque was also built by him in the same locality where Id festivals would be celebrated and congregations held. Throughout the lands of Hind and Sindh and the climes of Iran and Turan, one cannot come across a mosque of such grandeur and magnificence, though, of course such grand mosques do exist in the lands of Egypt and Syria. The architect of this mosque was Khwaja Sadru’d-Din who had come to this land from Khurasan. A Jami’ mosque and a lodge at Vejeh Belarah [3] were also among the architectural works executed under the orders cf this king.

Mazar-i-Salatin and Khanqah

On the banks of the river which flowed through the city, he laid out a burial ground for the royal dead.[64] The lofty ideals and glory of this king are reflected in the magnificent buildings that he raised. The platform which the venerable Amir-i-Kabir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani had raised at ‘Alau’d-Din Pora for addressing religious gatherings was made use of as a foundation for the Khanqah, for the maintenance of which he allotted a few villages by way of endowment and provided means of subsistence for its employees and inmates.

Some people are of the opinion that Amir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani possessed a jewel which he gave to the late Sultan Sikandar. The Sayyid bought the villages of Talal (Tral) and Vachi, which he later gave to this khanqah by way of an endowment to provide for the recitors of the Qur’an and the caretakers of the khanqah. The foundation and the structure of the khanqah as laid by Amir Sayyid Hamadani made it small and limited. Private houses of the inhabitants [of the locality] and the caretakers were so close to the walls of the khanqah that if a fire wolld break out in the locality, its flames would engulf the entire khanqah [complex] .

Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin rebuilt the khanqah. In the days of Malik Kaji Chak, Amir Shamsud-Din Muhammad Iraqi -God bless the most pious one-graced this land with his auspicious footsteps and he undertook the reconstruction of this khanqah afresh to make it spacious, lofty and imposing. Private houses in its periphery were pulled down and adjoining private lands were acquired against substantial cash payments. People who were not in need of money, such as Qadi Muhammad Qudsi and the offspring of Mulla Baba Ali, were given alternative sites in other localities, and thus the neighbourhood of the khanqah was cleared so that in future it would be secure against accidental fires and other calamities.

During the days of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad Iraqi the endowments to the khanqah increased considerably, so much so that during the life time of that venerable person, one hundred and twenty five traks [65] of rice were cooked in the kitchen of the khanqah each day; sixty-five traks for dinner. There was hardly a day when meat was not cooked in the kitchen of the khanqah. These works of public charity included a public kitchen and a pottage-house (ashkhaneh). These were destroyed in a fire. Later on the employees built smaller ones in their place. Loftiness of the building of the khanqah and the commodiousness of its store-house for paddy and other required articles speak of the magnanimity of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad ‘Iraqi.
Sayyid Muhammad dies

It must not remain unknown that on account of the obduracy and the animosity of Sayyid Hisari towards Amir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani, the latter found himself disheartened in this land. After seeking the permission of [the late] Sultan Sikandar, he set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca to perform Hajj and ‘Umrah. After fulfilling this wish of visiting the holy shrines of the venerable Imams,[66] he reached the province of Khatlan,[67] his birth-place, and also the land where his illustrious father had been buried. There he breathed his last, and was laid to rest by the site of his father.

Let it be known that Sultan Sikandar, the Iconoclast reigned for twenty-five years, nine months, and six days after which he died.

[ verses ]

Muhammad Baihaqi, who adopted the pen-name of darvish in his verses of which a Diwan was compiled, composed many verses and eulogies in praise of Sultan Sikandar, and has also composed a chronogram suggesting the year of Sultan’s death. The fragment is reproduced from his Diwan:

[ verses ]

Another poet of those days composed some verses to record the year of Sultan’s death.

[ verses ]

Mahmud Baihaqi leaves Kashmir

The late Sultan Sikandar was succeeded by his eldest son Sultan ‘Ali [68] whose reign lasted eight years and some months. He did not feel comfortable in the company of Mir Sayyid Mahmud Baihaqi. The Sayyid thought that the garden of Kashmir was a land of calamities, and made a firm resolve to proceed to Delhi. Thereupon the idea of hosting a public feast struck his mind. All the high officials, the nobles, the Shaykhs, the Sayyids, the learned, and men of eminence were invited to the spacious grounds of Idgah.[69] ‘Sultan ‘Alau’d-Din, the son of the late Sultan Sikandar, was also present in that assembly. Supper was followed by recitations from the Qur’an. After this the invitees were made to remove their mourning weeds and wear robes of honour according to their rank. Then Mlr Sayyid Mahmud moved on to the burial place of Sultan Sikandar to pay homage to him and then recited the following elegiac verses in a doleful voice:

[ verses ]

Thence Mir Sayyid took the Hirpur route and arrived at his former house in Dehli to settle down into a quiet life. He withdrew himself from the base material world and began to attend to pursuits for the world hereafter. He built a mosque with [adjoining] structures and laid a burial ground [for the holy]. An enormous public catering place was also built for the use of people who visited the mosque. His extraordinary spiritual feats are wellknown among the intelligent people in Kashmir and Dehli. His grave has become a shrine for people who usually seek blessings and fulfilment of their desires. His death occured in the month of Rabl’u'l Akhir.

Jasrath’s rebellion

Mir Sayyid Hasan, the nephew of Mir Sayyid Mahmud Baihaqi, had been permitted by him to settle at Nowshehr[70] in India. He was known for his bravery and valour. Within a short time he succeeded in obtaining tributes from the stiff-necked chieftains of the mountaineous regions of Kashmir[71] with which he met the expenses of salaries and provisions of his troops. With a firm hand he suppressed rebellions whenever they were reported and he (ruthlessly) put the miscreants to the sword.

During this time, it was reported to him that Raja Jasrath, with the support of a group of infidels and wicked persons, had become so haughty as to defy his authority in his own fort.[72] He had misled the people to rally round him. On hearing this news, Mir Sayyid Hasan seized his sword, mounted his light-footed horse, and marched out of Nowshehr in India till he confronted the rebels. A fierce battle ensued:

[ verses ]

The fort occupied by the profane infidels was as lofty as the sky and was surrounded by a dark forest.[73] This was the reason why his warriors could not overpower the enemy. Although Mir Sayyid Hasan could not coerce these ill-equipped insurgents into submission, he continued his fight with them acting on the saying “a struggle in the path of God is its own reward.” He looked at his fight with that group as a holy war. In the course of a fierce battle which ensued he attained martyrdom on the second day of Rabl’u'l-Awwal of the year A.H. 837 (A.D. 1433).[74] The year of his death has been commemorated in a fragment:

[ verses ]

His grave is in Jasrot [75] [sic] when the news of his martyrdom reached his relatives and children at Dehli, it was mourned by all the nobles, the learned and the commoners of that city. Mir Sayyid Nasir, the son of the late Sayyid Hasan, invited all the leading aristocrats, Sayyids, learned men, and other notable personalities of Dehli to a feast where they were lavishly entertained with varieties of food and sherbet. Recitations from the holy Qur’an continued for several days and prayers for the peace of the departed soul were offered. He also sent enormous quantities of food and drinks to the houses of the Shaykhs, the divines, Sayyids and all the notable and elderly persons of the city. After fulfilling these obligations, he returned to the town of Jarichah.
Sultan Ghiathu’d-Din’s daughter bore Mir Sayyid Hasan Baihaqi seven sons. They were Mir Sayyid Zainu’l-’Abidin, Mir Mua’zzam Khan, Mir Musa, Mir Sayyid Jalal, Mir Sayyid Shah, Mir Badshah, and Mir Sayyid Nasir. But none except the youngest among them ventured to take revenge on Raja Jasrath. Mir Sayyid Nasir, the youngest of his sons despite his youth, exhibited undaunted courage in avenging his father’s death. After procuring necessary weapons and provisions he marched towards the domain of the worthless infidels. The nobles advised him to carefully weigh the consequences of his adventure. All his six brethren came to see him and advised him to drop the idea of an expedition against that wicked group in that year. The courageous prince took their advice and the execution of his plan got deferred for the next seven years.


1. For details regarding these alliances, see Jonar. p. 77. The chieftains with whom matrimonial relations were established by Shah Mir were of Shankarpora (Pattan), Bhangila (Bengil), Bhringa (Bring), and other places. See Rajat. v, 156n., vii, 493 and Vol. II, p. 468.

2. Malik Haidar says she was a descendant of the Rajas of Hind [sic]. TMH MS. f. 32b. This, however, does not tell us anything about the ruling house to which she belonged.

3. Jonaraja says that Uden Dev was recalled to Kashmir by Sahmira. Jonar. St. 222.

4. Hasan gives his name as Pecheh Bhat, but it does not appear to be correct. THK. p. 167. Jonaraja mentions neiher of these names but his version of this seems to be correct when he says that it was Bhatta Bhiksana. Jonar. Stt. 274-75. When written in Arabic, the name Bhikhshana/ Bhikhna (Kashmiri) can be misread as Pecheh or Tejeh. Malik Haidar says that Tejeh Bhat was a foster-brother of Kotehren. See TMH. MS. f. 33a.

5. The Turk invaders were commanded by one Urdun. TMH. MS. f. 33a. Hasan writes that he entered into Kashmir via Hirpur pass in A.H. 732 (A.D. 1331). THK. p. 167.

6. Jonaraja writes that during the disturbances created by Accala the people found a protector in Sahmira. Jonar. St. 245.

7. He subdued the chieftains of Bohurupa (Biru) and Samala (Hamal). He burnt Vijayesa and Cakradhara (Tsakdar Udar), his stronghold. Jonar. Stt. 252-55. Udyanadeva rewarded Sahmira by granting him Kramrajya (Kamraj) and some other district in propriety rights to his sons Jyamisara (Jamshid) and Allesara (’Ali Sher). See St. 225.

8. According to Jonaraja, his death was kept a secret by Queen kotadevi for four days. Jonar. St. 264.

9. Andarkot. For details see Rajat. iv, 506-11n.

10. Jonaraja writes that Sahmira assassinated Bhatta Bhiksana (and not Tejeh Bhat) who was one of his political rivals. See note 4 supra.

11. The author of the chronicle gives the impression that the marriage of Koteh Ren with Shah Mir lasted for some time. This is refuted by several prominent historians. Malik Haidar says that Koteh Ren rejected his marriage proposal because she did not want to marry her subordinate. But because she had been defeated by him, she committed suicide by driving a dagger into her belly. TMH. MS. f. 34a. Hasan gives the same story, but with a slight difference in detail. According to him she was compelled by circumstances to agree to his proposal. On the day of their marriage she clad herself in gorgeous robes; but stabbed herself by ripping open her bowels, and said to Shah Mir, “This is my acceptance.” THK. p. 169. Jonaraja, however, denies that they were married. He says that Saimira shared her bed for one night and then put her in prison. Jonar, Stt. 305306.

12. One of the significant acts of Shah Mir, which is important from the historical point of view, was his discarding the hitherto prevailing Saptrishi calendar in Kashmir and replacing it by the new Kashmiri calendar, which he invented himself, beginning with the date of accession of Rinchan in A.D. 725 A.D. 1324. It continued upto the beginning of Mughal rule. THK. p. 169 .
l3. Avantipora. According to Hasan, Zenapora. THK. p 170.

14. Hasan says that he suffered a defeat because his chief vizier Sirraju’d-Din betrayed him and joined ‘Alau’d-Din. THK. p. 170. This is confirmed by Jonaraja who says that Sayyaraja (Sirraj) was promised a reward and position by Allesera (’Ali Sher). Jonar. p. 83.

15. This name does not occur in TMH. Jonaraja gives two names, Udayashri and Chandradarmara and the third man was a groom. J. C. Dutt, (tr.) p. 36.

16. This is confirmed by Malik Haidar. TMH. MS. f. 34b. But Hasan categorically states that she was Lala ‘Arifa. THK. p. 171. Janaraja writes that a circle of yoginis appeared from the forest of Vakpushta. The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr J. C. Dutt Delhi, 1986, pp. 35-36.

17. Jonaraja states that he erected two palaces, one at Jayapidapora, and the other at Rinchanpora Buddhger). Jonar. p. 84.

18. The date of his death is stated in the chronogram ‘makanash ferdows’. THK. p. 171.

19. In Malik Haidar’s work he is called Uchal [sic] Chand, the son of Ravan Chand. This Malik Uchal [sic] settled in Chadura where he built a fort, and thereafter his house was called Chaduri. He died while fighting in Laghman near Kabul. His dead body was brought to Chadura and buried there. TMH. MS. f. 36b.

20. This sentence indicates that Jonaraja’s Rajatarangini was one of the sources for our chronicler as far as the history of early Shah Mirs is concerned. Also see Jonar. p. 85.

21. Hasan has computed their number at five lakh soldiers and fifty thousand cavalrymen. The command of the troops was put in the hands of Sayyid Hasan Bahadur, the son of Sayyid Taju’d-Din, a cousin of Amir-i-Kabir Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani. THK. p. 172.

22. Lamghan in Hasan. p. 172.

23. Candra, Sura and Laula were the three Damara generals of the Sultan. Jonar. Stt. 370, 402.

24. Hasan corroborates this statement. See note 21 supra.

25. Satadru (Sutlej) in Jonar. p. 88. For further details of his conquests, see Jonar. p. 85.

26. Truce was concluded on the initiative of Amir Kabir Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani. The Amir proposed the marriage of three daughters of Feroz Shah with the relatives of Sultan Shihabu’d-Din. The eldest daughter was married to Hasan Khan, the second one to Sultan Qutbu’d-Din, and the third one to Sayyid Hasan Bahadur. THK. p, 173. Hasan further says that the Amir came to Kashmir while Shihabu’d-Din was fighting with Feroz Shah. It can be gleaned from Hasan that Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani first came to Kashmir and then went to Ferozpur to bring about conciliation between Shihabu’d-Din and Feroz Shah.

27. For details concerning the countries or towns he conquered, see Jonar. p. 185.

28. Now called Shahampur. The locality comprised sixty thousand houses besides one thousand military camps. THK. p. 174.

29. Its foundation existed even in Hasan’s days. See THK. p. 174.

30. A fort was built by Ujani Raina for himself at Chadura which continued to be in the control of his descendants till the times of Malik Haidar Chadura. See TMH. MS. f. 36

31. Present-day Bejbehara. For details see Rajat . Vol . II, p. 463.

32. Malik Haiddar says that he brought many people within the fold of Islamic faith. TMH. MS. f. 36b.

33. He was buried in the locality of Baldimar; a tomb over his grave was built by Pratap Singh, a Dogra official under the rule of Maharaja Ranbir Singh. See THK. p. 175. For Baldimar, the ancient Baladhyamatha, see Rajat. Vol. II, p. 448.

34. Hasan gives his name as Hindal. THK. p. 175.

35. According to Hasan, Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani visited Kashmir for the second time in A.H. 781 /A.D. 1379. THK. p. 175. Malik Haidar says that Mir Sayyid visited Kashmir during the reign of Sultan Qutbu’d-Din. TMH. MS. f. 37a

36. This event has not been reported by Malik Haidar.

37. This indicates that they were his Hindu wives. The name of Sultan Qutbu’d-Din’s wife who gave birth to Sikandar was Subhatta. Jonar. p. 92.

38. This story is not found in THK.

39. Ladda Margesa in Jonar. St. 617. By birth he was a non-Brahman Hindu of a high caste. Jonar. St. 617. Sn.

40. This perhaps may be the beginning of the tradition of ‘Alamdars in Kashmir.

41. A MS copy of the work exists in the State Research Library, Srinagar, under Cat. No. 658.

42. He was buried in Langarhatta mohalla in Srinagar. THK. p . 176.

43. His mother, as Jonaraja has rightly pointed out, was a Hindu. See note 37 supra.

44. It is interesting to note that he came to Kashmir along with three thousand disciples. THK. p. 178.

45. Hasan makes no mention of this work.

46. Jonaraja says that it was owing to his political sagacity (and not because of his religious canviction) that Sultan Sikandar showed respect to the Sayyid. See Jonar. St. 574.

47. Also see Jonar. Stt. 575 and 591. Hasan has given revealing details about Sultan Sikandar’s attempts to do so by destroying Hindu temples some of which were Martandesvara near Matan, three at Parihasapura, Maha Shri, and Tarapitha [sic] temples in Iskandarpora, Srinagar. For details see THK. pp. 178-80.

48. For details of forcible conversion of Hindus to Islam and their massacre in case they refused to be converted, see THK; pp. 178-80. One significant detail is that three kharwars (one kharwar is approximately equal to eighty kilograms) of Hindu ceremonial thread (zunnar) were burnt by Sultan Sikandar.

49. The Sayyid’s marriage to Suha Bhatta’s daughter Baria is confirmed from THK. p. 178; Tarikh-i Sayyid ‘Ali, MS. f. 44 and Fatahat-i-Kubrawiyyeh, MS. f. 157a.

50. The story of persecution of Hindus by Sultaan Sikardar is vividly recorded by Jonaraja in Stt. 657-669. Also see Stt. 597, 601-2, 606 and TMH. MS. f. 44a.

51. Jonaraja’s statement that the elephants were presented by Timur out of fear of Sultan Sikandar is difficult to accept. See Jonar. St. 562. Hasan’s version is that Timur was pleased to be informed at Attock that Sultan Sikandar of Kashmir accepted him as his overlord and would strike coins and read the khutba in his name. THK. p. 182.

52. A tune in classical Iranian music.

53. Such as ‘Iraq, Khurusan, Transoxiana (Mawara’-anNahr), etc. THK. p. 177.

54. It is not clear from the text whether Tanvir was a work other than Faraiz-i-Sirraji or a part of its title.

55. Iskandarpora was laid out on the debris of the destroyed temples of Hindus. In the neighbourhood of the royal palace in Iskandarpora, the Sultan destroyed the temple of Maha Shri which had been built by Pravarasena and another one built by Tarapida. The material from these was used for constructing a Jami’ mosque in the middle of the city. See THK. p. 180.

56. Present-day Khanqah-i-Mu’alla locality in Srinagar.

57. This sentence and the preceding one is all that the author says about himself in the present work.

58. Originally called Sarikaparvata. See Rajat. iii, 349 and vol. II, p. 146.

59. Leather-coat was not a part of the dress of Kashmiris during the Hindu period. Perhaps it was introduced in Kashmir after the Central Asian practice. See my Kashmir Shawl, Srinagar, 1984.

60. The name given by Hasan is Muhammad Amin and not Mir Veys. See p. 198.

61. Another saintly person of the same name was invited by Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin to Kashmir. See THK. p. 195.

62. Present-day Nowhatta.

63. Sultan Sikandar ravaged and looted the temple of Vijayesvara. See Tohfat. MS. f. 138b.

64. Present-day Mazari-i-Salatin on the right bank of Jhelum near Zaina Kadal in Srinagar.

65. One trak is approximately equal to five kilograms.

66. These holy shrines are at Najaf and Kerbala in’Iraq and Meshhad and Qom in Iran.

67. Now a district of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Tajikistan.

68. His family name was Mir Khan and he ascended the throne in A.H 201/A.D. 1417. THK. p. 185.

69. On the left bank of Jhelum in Srinagar. It continues to be known by the same name.

70. Parts of Nowshehra area are now under Pakistani-occupied Kashmir.

71. South of Pir Pantsal range.

72. Jasrath Khan Ghakkar had escaped from Timur’s captivity in Samarqand and had established his authority over Panjab. Shahi Khan (Zainu’l-’Abidin) had been given the throne of Kashmir when Sultan ‘Ali decided to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. But on reaching Jammu his father-inlaw, Raja of Jammu, dissuaded him from abdicating the throne. On his instance and with his material help, Sultan ‘Ali changed his mind and returned to Kashmir via Pakhli to resume kingship. His brother Shahi Khan resisted him, but was defeated and fled to Panjab where Jasrat Khan Ghakkar (Raja Jasrat of the text) gave him shelter. Together they raised a large army, and in the second battle fought between Sultan ‘Ali and his brother Shahi Khan, the former was defeated and fell a prisoner in the hands of Jasrat Khan. The victorious Zainu’l-’Abidin marched on to Kashmir where he was warmly received by the people. THK. pp. 187-88. Jonaraja says that Raja of Madra (Jammu) Billa Deva was slain in a battle against Jasrath Khukhura who had become his enemy because he had disclosed his place of hiding to the troops of Sayyid Mu’izzu’d-Din Mubarak Shah (A.D 14211434) of Dehli. See Eliot’s History, Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shah IV, pp. 56-59; Jonar. Stt. 711-16.

73. Probably it was somewhere near present Kathua. Hasan says that after suffering defeat in the battle at Uri, Zainu’l'Abidin fled to Sialkot. THK . p. 188.

74. Malik Doom Chndura, a local commander of Sultan ‘Ali’s troops and a descendant of the house of Chandas, also fell in this battle. He was succeeded by his son Malik Avtar. TMH. MS. f. 39a.

75. Jasrot should not be confused with Jasrath. Jasrot is the name of a place.