Baharistan-i-Shahi – Chapter 8 – THE RISE AND FALL OF YUSUF SHAH CHAK
Muhammad Bhat’s ministry
Yusuf Shah ascended the throne for the second time in A.H. 988 (A.D. 1580), entrusting Muhammad Bhat with the power and position of the Chief Vizir of his domain. This Muhammad Bhat was a sagacious and clear-headed man, an excellent conversationalist and was gifted with a sweet and persuasive tongue; he could enliven his companions with his brilliant wit and devastating repartees. He was bounteous towards the poor and the destitute:
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[At this time] five thousand soldiers, who had fled the battlefield at Sopor and had sought refuge in the city of Kashmir [Srinagar], were still at large and had not surrendered to Yusuf Shah. Muhammad Mir put it wittily saying that perhaps five thousand absconding cavalrymen could still invite them to a battle-feast. Yusuf Shah replied by saying that he was God’s grace for the virtuous and the pure, but God’s scourge for the wicked and the seditious. He declared that he combined in himself wrath and compassion, poison and elixir.
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Wise men say that the affairs of the world hinge on statesmanship: it functions as a provost marshal in this material world. For want of statesmanship, important affairs of the world can end disastrously. If disciplinary laws are non-existent, affairs of this world will end in disaster. Without censure and without necessary reprimand, there will be disruption in the world. No country can exist without a proper system of justice; and yet it will not look like one without statesmanship. Muhammad Bhat said that prudence demanded that spies be pressed into service to seek the fleeing soldiers from their houses or wherever they were hiding and to bring them to book. Secret agents were sent to several places. Lohar Shah was found hiding in the basement of the house of Qadi, and Muhammad Khan was found in the house Miran Sayyid Barkhordar. Both were brought to the presence of Yusuf Shah.
Husi Chak had always boasted of his bravery and valour on the battlefield, and people in these lands begun to give credence to his boastful words. But he was so badly mauled by Yusuf Shah on the battlefield that he could not even manage his escape either to India or to Tibet, though he had sufficient time at his disposal. He abandoned his horse and hid himself in the barn of Chamshi Mamosa [sic]. Husi Bhat, the brother of Muhammad Bhat, found him and brought him to the presence of Yusuf Shah. Finding that he (Husi Chak) was unable to answer him because of his nervousness, Yusuf Shah was reminded of this verse:
A complete man is one who speaks not, but acts, One who speaks and acts is but half a man.
He who speaks not and acts not is but a woman And half the woman is one who speaks but does not act.
Petseh Ganai, a ring leader of the trouble-mongers of this land, had sought refuge in the house of Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah. He was dragged out and brought before Yusuf Shah who interrogated him. Driven by his innate vulgarity, this person, who lacked sense, made indiscreet and vain utterances in the presence of Yusuf Shah. But the latter exhibited self-control, and did not take any retaliatory action to censure him. One by one, the remaining troops and villagers, who were among the fleeing group, were brought out from their hiding places to Yusuf’s presence. They were brought together and he addressed them in person. He enumerated their failings one after another, as thus:
“First, by taking recourse to animosity and defiance, you totally ignored the path of peace and conciliation and made no secret of your disloyalty to me. You deserted me and joined hands with Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah with the sole purpose of raising the banner of revolt. You involved the Sayyid in your treason. Secondly, that elderly Sayyid had bestowed benefactions upon you, but you proved ungrateful to him by indulging in acts of subterfuge and sabotage. You recalled me from the village of Bartal but subsequently went back on your commitment, putting me in an embarrassing situation. Then you aligned yourselves with Lohar Shah and connived at his accession to the throne. Thirdly, when I sought the help of the imperial army to re-conquer Kashmir, you sent me flattering letters holding out solemn promises that henceforth you would neither back out nor defy nor disregard my authority. Relying on these promises, I left the imperial army and came to this domain. But then, feigning ignorance, you forgot the promises you had made. Not only that, you arrayed troops against me. Fourthly, my father was kind and generous to you. From the depths of lowliness he lifted you to the heights of manliness, and I, in my own turn, extended the same liberal treatment to you. In fact, I added something to enhance your prestige. But you proved your ingratitude by instigating rebellion against me. You have, thus, willfully transgressed the tenets of the religion of Muhammad and flouted the conventions of the Hanafi sect, and, not acted in accordance with the Qur’anic commands – be obedient to God, to the Prophet and to those who command authority over you. You pressed yourselves into the company of rebels. Therefore, killing you and depriving you of your property will be in conformity with the sanctions of religion.”
On hearing these words of Yusuf Shah, Abdal Bhat almost lost his speech. Yusuf Shah got the eyes of Lohar Shah, his brother Muhammad Khan and Husi Chak gouged out and they were, thus, deprived of their eyesight. Petseh Ganai, Fath Khan Jand [sic] and Husain Kokeh were punished by amputation of their limbs. Yusuf Lund, Ali Khan Sirigama [sic] and ‘Ali Bhat, the brother of Abdal Bhat, were ordered to pay a certain amount of money as indemnity usually imposed on prisoners of war. ‘Ali Khan, Nawroz Chak and his son Yusuf Khan, were spared their lives, but were put in prison. The rest of the soldiers and the villagers were pardoned and were reinstated in their jagirs as of old.
Conciliation with Miran Sayyid
After dealing with the situation in a manner described above, Yusuf Shah decided to call on Miran Sayyid Mubarak. In order to strengthen his regime, he concluded matrimonial alliance with that house by giving his daughter in marriage to Miran Sayyid’s grandson. After this, he ruled without any worry and anxiety. There was a revival of his cordial and affectionate relations with Miran Sayyid’s house and frequent visits to the Sayyid’s house strengthened these bonds. He also occasionally invited Miran Sayyid to his palace.
Yusuf Shah was gifted with a beautiful and graceful body and disposition. He was well versed in music and Hindi, Kashmiri and Persian poetry. His compositions were popular with the lovers of music. His Hindi, Kashmiri and Persian verses were well-known in Hindustan and Kashmir and often quoted by the erudite and the poets. Of his Persian compositions, we quote one verse in this chronicle. He spent most of his time in physical and sensuous enjoyments; he amused himself with sport, gave himself up to the tune of the lute and dulcimer after the true spirit of the verse:
Enjoy yourself because in just a twinkling of the eye. The autumn is about to arrive and the spring about to go.
Some of the prominent nobles of this land, Shamsi Chak, ‘Alam Sher Khan, Sayyid Saif Khan and Muhammad Lung found that Yusuf Shah, on account of his excessive carelessness had been grossly neglecting state affairs. As such, they firmly resolved to create disorder in the state afresh. On knowing this, Yusuf Shah got all the four persons arrested and imprisoned. The event brought this verse to his lips: 
‘I am seized of the serious thought of how to extend my patronage to him, but he is seized of the thought of uprooting me.’
Sometime later, Saif Khan and Muhammad Lung were released, but Shamsi Chak and ‘Alam Sher Khan continued to languish in prison. Habib Khan was filled with fear and apprehension and he broke his promises and commitments, and fled to Udreseh mountains from where he began to foment trouble.  After two or three months, Haidar Chak, who returned from India, joined him. Shamsi Chak, with the abetment of Haidar Malik, a blood relation of his, led a revolt against Yusuf Shah in the fort of Bulur which was situated on the borders of Kamaraj. Yusuf Shah’s troops laid a siege to the fort and overpowered him by sheer numerical strength. Shamsi was captured and brought before him. Although he was related to the children of Yusuf Shah, and on that basis pleaded with him for his acquittal, his pleadings were of no avail because he was the ring-leader of the group of seditionists. “To expect faithfulness from a king is like expecting fruit from a cypress tree.”
Haidar Chak’s uprising
However, some time later, Yusuf Khan, son of ‘Ali Khan and Nawroz Chak, who have already figured in the pages of this chronicle, escaped from the house of Lohar [sic], where they had been interned, and joined the forces of Habib Khan. A large number of the sons of nobles of of this land assembled and deliberated over the ways and means of destroying the authority of Yusuf Shah. They approached the governor of Greater Tibet for assistance. The governor named Bamaldi, a man of commanding personality, was sovereign and powerful, with innumerable troops under his command. He placed four to five thousand soldiers of his at their disposal and for their assistance; all fully equipped with such arms and equipment as are required in a battle.
Yusuf Shah came to know of the troops and materials given by the ruler of Tibet [to the Kashmiri nobles]. Consequently, he also sent his troops as well as private combatants of this land, all equipped with necessary arms, to face them. Habib Khan, Haidar Chak, and Yusuf khan got the news that Yusuf Chak’s columns were advancing. It caused them great confusion. Their forces were torn by internal conflicts and mutual jealousy. This disturbing situation disheartened the reinforcing columns from Tibet who decided upon retracing their steps without getting involved in a battle.
Haidar Chak was defeated and he fled towards Kathwar (Kishtwar) but Habid Khan’s routes of escape were blocked and he was forced to turn towards the city where he hid himself, and even in that state, he continued his disruptive activities.
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After several days of search and enquiry, about ten rebellious nobles were captured around the village of Sonwar and brought before Yusuf Shah. Yusuf Khan, son of ‘Ali Khan, was captured along with his brothers in the pargana of Bring. Yusuf Shah punished them so that the disorder created by them was remedied:
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Habib Khan’s eyes were gouged out and Yusuf Khan, son of ‘Ali Khan, and his brothers were punished with amputation of limbs. ‘Ali Khan, son of Nawroz Chak, was a pious and God-loving man, alive to the duties and obligations of the material and spiritual world. When he lost his eyes in the manner mentioned above – a matter of divine ordination – he stood up the next moment to offer prayers in thankfulness to God the Needless, uttering the quatrain:
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Muhammad Bhat’s conduct
Thereafter, the office of the Chief Vizir of Yusuf Shah remained with Muhammad Bhat. He was obsessed by his enmity towards Shamsi Dooni, and time and again instigated Yusuf Shah to seek revenge against him on one pretext or the other. But, because of Yusuf Shah’s innate good disposition, he did not listen to his interested words and did not take any vindictive step against Shams Dooni. The disgruntled Muhammad Bhat thus became malicious towards Yusuf Shah, and eventually, joined hands with Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah. They worked in collusion to find an opportunity to put an end to his life. But it did not materialize because of their inability to make the sons of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah agree to this. Under these circumstances, Yusuf Khan grew apprehensive and, along with some of his soldiers, fled in the darkness of the night to Udrasah mountains. Leading his troops, Yusuf Shah, along with the sons of Miran Sayyid, gave him a hot pursuit right upto the above-mentioned mountains. During their pursuit, there was an encounter between them in which Husi Bhat, the brother of the above-mentioned Muhammad Bhat, was wounded and his troops were overpowered. They were forced to withdraw to the summits of the mountains, where they were surrounded by Yusuf Shah. Muhammad Mir [sic] was taken prisoner. Some of his soldiers sustained wounds, but managed to join Haidar Chak. Others got scattered over those areas in a miserable plight. Haidar Chak felt strengthened on account of an increase in his troops.
After these events, Mirza Ya’qub, being immature and also having come under the vicious influence of a group of miscreants, felt dissatisfied in the service of his illustrious father. With the connivance of Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, he escaped to Kathwal mountains. After a few days, Yusuf Shah despatched one Mulla Hasan Aswad as his emissary to his son. Using mild and persuasive words and tact, he exhorted Ya’qub to return to his father and show him due respect:
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Haidar Chak escapes
Frightened of Yusuf Shah’s wrath, Ibeh Khan went to Haidar Chak. After this event, Shamsi Chak, who had been imprisoned when Yusuf Shah ascended the throne, contrived his escape and joined Haidar Chak at Kathwal. Finding that Yusuf Shah’s position had become vulnerable, the trouble-mongers took to subversive disorderly acts wherever they could. In order to prevent people from establishing rapport with Haidar Chak and also for reasons of security, Yusuf Shah deputed Sher ‘Ali Bhat and Naji Raina to encamp at Kenal [sic] (Konehbal ?). But these commanders abandoned themselves to negligence, forgot the enemy and whiled away a few days at that place. Haidar Chak found that they were completely negligent and, taking advantage of the opportunity, brought his troops out of Kathwal and moving with great speed, launched a night-assault on them:
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Sher ‘Ali Bhat and his soldiers displayed feats of valour, but he was slain by Shamsi Chak; Naji Raina was captured by Haidar Chak and brought to the village of Daksum. Most of the troops of Yusuf Shah joined Haidar Chak.
Haidar Chak defeated
Under these circumstances, Yusuf Shah was compelled to come out of the city. The vanguard of his army got engaged in a battle with Haidar Chak, Shamsi Chak, Ibeh Khan and others at the aforesaid village. But since his opponents had established strongholds in the narrow mountain gorges, many of Yusuf Shah’s soldiers were wounded and, as such, forced to retrace their steps and rejoin the main body of the force advancing from the rear. But the sons of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah, namely Shah Abu’l-Mu’ali, Ibrahim Khan and others, held on to their positions extending support to Mirza Ya’qub so that he did not join the fleeing troops and return to his father. Holding on fast to their position, their fifteen or sixteen warriors fought heroically against a large number of their opponents. Some of the fleeing soldiers carried baseless and disturbing rumours about Mirza Ya’qub and the sons of Miran Sayyid to Yusuf Shah which distressed and disheartened him so much that he suspended his advance for a few days and ordered a halt to his troops and camp followers. But then Miran Sayyid Husain Khan, the son of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Khan, prompted him to resume the onward march, and he reached the battlefield. Before Yusuf Shah’s arrival, Haidar Chak and his troops had come out of narrow mountain gorges, and a fierce battle took place between him and the sons of Sayyid Miran. Like an immovable mountain the valiant Sayyids stuck to their positions and did not budge even an inch from there.
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As God willed it, Haidar Chak found himself in a depressing situation, dismounted from his horse and ran away to hide himself in a mountain gorge. The Sayyids raised high the banner of their victory and chased the fleeing enemy whose soldiers fell victims to their lashing swords.
Meanwhile, Yusuf Shah arrived with his army on the actual scene of the battle and witnessed the gallantry and bravery of the Sayyids. He eulogised Miran Sayyid Abu’lMu’ali in loud terms. On the recommendation of the aforesaid Sayyid, he honoured most of his soldiers with befitting rewards and robes of honour. Then he returned to the capital of Kashmir.
Sometime later, Shamsi Chak, Ibeh Khan and others felt pangs of conscience in Haidar Chak’s company and, therefore, tried to establish links with Yusuf Shah to renew their old bonds of friendship.
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Haidar Chak, Yusuf Lund, and ‘Ali Khan Surigama descended from the Kathwal mountains and headed towards the capital city of Lahore where they joined the services of Raja Man Singh.
It has already been recorded in the pages of this chronicle that, on account of Yusuf Shah’s violations of his pledges and his dilatory tactics in connection with his services to Raja Man Singh, the Raja had become displeased with him. This situation was further aggravated because his opponents joined Raja Man Singh. The only person with whom he shared the ’secret’ and in whom he confided was Khwaja Qasim, son of Khwaja Haidar and a grandson of Khwaja Hajji. He told him that “it was far removed from prudence and wisdom to feel secure against a cunning enemy.”
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He, therefore, did not want that Haidar Chak should get a chance of going to Raja Man Singh and further his aims.
Khwaja Qasim appreciated Yusuf Shah’s approach. With exquisite presents and choicest gifts for the Raja and his senior commanders, and accompanied by Khwaja Ghani; Kabuli, he [Qasim] presented himself before the Raja at Lahore. He waited until a suitable opportunity came his way to speak to the Raja and his senior officers in a manner which maligned Haidar Chak. The bard sings: “Listen not to the selfish; should you do so, you will only repent.”
Not being convinced that Khwaja Qasim was not acting without some interest, the Raja did not listen to his account. Instead, his effort of maligning Haidar Chak only strengthened his (Man Singh’s ) favourable opinion of Haidar Chak. Having been convinced that he could make no headway and that his mission had met with utter failure, Khwaja Qasim sought the permission of Raja Man Singh to leave his court.
Ya’qub assesses situation
Khwaja Qasim reported the words of Man Singh to Yusuf Shah but with distortions and suggesting that his words could be taken as an indirect expression of support. Thereupon, Yusuf Shah conferred the title of Mirza upon him and invested him with the authority of administering this domain. 
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Mirza Ya’qub, the son of Yusuf Shah, was a man gifted with wisdom, sagacity, prudence, and understanding. He found that this man (Qasim) crossed the limits of discretion in handling the affairs of the state and took recourse to flattering Yusuf Shah and giving him false reports to further his selfish interests. He marked that Qasim did not speak what was in the interests of the state. Therefore Ya’qub protested against Mirza Qasim’s assertions and even reproached him in such a way that Mirza Qasim felt offended. The two of them, therefore, became estranged.
Ya’qub at Imperial Court
Meanwhile, the aforesaid Raja despatched one of the trusted officials of his court namely Timur Beg,[l6] as his emissary to Yusuf Shah. By combining threats with favours, he expressed the purpose of his mission. Mirza Qasim considered Timur Beg’s visit a good opportunity for getting rid of Ya’qub. He, therefore, impressed upon Yusuf Shah that it would be highly desirable to send Ya’qub to the imperial court along with Timur Beg. Yusuf Shah accepted this selfish suggestion and, without caution and consideration, despatched Mirza Ya’qub to the capital city of Lahore along with the emissary.
On arrival at the court of the aforesaid Raja, Mirza Ya’qub duly observed the decorum and protocol of the court, and was then brought to the presence of the Emperor. He had been at the imperial court for only a short time when, as God willed, the news of the death of Mirza Hakim, the governor of Kabul reached the court. His Majesty, therefore, marched towards the lands of Kabulistan with the intention of conquering it. At each station during this march where His Majesty halted, he asked Mirza Ya’qub to summon his father Yusuf Shah. Ya’qub sent despatches to his father from every halting station stating the course of events in the imperial camp. But on account of the villainy and wickedness of the aforesaid Khwaja, he did not act with farsightedness and paid no attention to the letters of his son. Disappointed by his father’s failure to appear at the royal court, Mirza Ya’qub felt the overwhelming weight of His Majesty’s insistence and also the tear and gravity of the consequences of a defiant attitude. Keeping all these facts in view, he sought permission, and from the village Bahlool ( Pore) he marched out post-haste so that within a short time of three days and three nights, he brought himself to the presence of his venerable father. But once again Khwaja Qasim’s inimical attitude towards him got revived:
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Before Ya’qub rejoined his father, two envoys from Akbar, namely, Hakim ‘Ali  and Saleh ‘Aqil, had been sent to Yusuf Shah advising him to present himself at the imperial court. They were still on their way, when Ya’qub fled  and came to his father. On account of this, the letter drafted by Yusuf Shah in the capital and sent to Akbar, containing expressions of regret, was not entertained by him. In this way, Mirza Ya’qub’s  detestable behaviour was almost a repetition of the defiant attitude adopted previously by his father; it intensified his Majesty’s anger and wrath. Twenty-two nobles of the imperial court, such as Shahrukh Mirza and Shah Quli, under the command of Raja Bhagwan Das, were entrusted with the task of conquering Kashmir. As the imperial troops were crossing Panbeh [sic] Drang, [Yusuf Shah] released Muhammad Bhat, whose mention has already been made in this chronicle, from prison and assigned him the task of guarding the city as well as his household. ‘Alam Sher Khan, who too had been put in prison at the time of Yusuf’s accession, was released to keep him company:
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At last, accompanied by top-ranking commanders and known fighters, Yusuf Shah left the city and, in order to confront the imperial army, adopted a tortuous route and arrived at Gawarmeet. The very next morning of their encamping at the above-mentioned place, some of Yusuf Shah’s troops got engaged in an encounter with the imperial soldiers, a large number of whom was slain on the battlefield and their severed heads brought to him.
Keeping in view the saying, “Have consultations on matters,” Yusuf Shah held consultations with Mirza Qasim, who held the administrative authority over the domain. Their consultations pertained to the strategy to be adopted in putting an end to the menace of the Mughal incursion. Realizing that conciliation was the best course available under the given circumstances, Mirza Qasim told him in secret that, since sustained resistance to the imperial troops was virtually impossible, the wise course would be to initiate negotiations. He further suggested to him that by making Raja Bhagwan Das their patron they could use his good office for gaining access to the imperial court. Acting on the saying that “The affairs of the world progress through means and not through merit,” some headway could be made in putting things in order with the help of the aforesaid mediator.
As a result of this thinking, Mirza Qasim proceeded to the court of Raja Bhagwan Das and, after impressing upon him his sincerity of purpose, asked him what favours and considerations would be received by them if Yusuf Shah was brought to join his service. In order to see that his mission was crowned with success, the aforesaid Raja agreed to enter into an understanding with Mirza Qasim upon the conditions laid down by him. He (Raja) assured him of his adhering to his commitments by invoking his qualities of manliness; and, after putting the agreement in black and white, handed it over to him to be delivered to Yusuf Shah. It was planned that Yusuf Shah would join the Raja without delay and without consulting his sons:
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Misled by him [Mirza Qasim], Yusuf Shah set out on his horse under the pretext of inspecting the advance columns of his army. Escorted by four to five horsemen, Yusuf Shah, after arriving at his advance post, bade farewell to his kingdom and legality and turned his horse towards the camp of the above named Raja. His counsellors, chiefs and sons tried their utmost to dissuade him from taking this risk, but to no avail.
Thus, without either taking sound counsel from an adviser or giving cool and considerate thought to the matter himself, Yusuf Shah took ‘the’ disastrous decision. Kashmiri nobles and commanders, especially the sons of Mir Sayyid Mubarak Shah, found it in the interest of the general public of that land that Mirza Ya’qub should assume the reins of the kingdom in place of his father and resolved to ensure the security of their country. Hence, on the following day, Ya’qub Shah was installed on the throne of his father with the consent of Shamsi Chak, ‘Alam Sher Khan and Shamsi Dooni. This development led to their hostility and confrontation with the imperial troops.
With the purpose of safeguarding Khawora route, Baba Talib Isfahani  encamped there along with his contingent of troops. The only obstruction between them and the imperial army was the river at Panbeh Drang. The sagacious and mildly-disposed ‘master’ suggested to the imperial troops that they should construct a strong bridge over the river so that they can cross to the other side and occupy the territories there with considerable ease. Usta Lolo, a person known for his art of flattery in that land, was the ‘master’ who put forth this suggestion. A strong and functional bridge was built over the river and most of the soldiers in the Mughal garrison, under the command of Shahrukh Mirza Badakhshi, crossed it one by one and landed on the opposite bank.
Mughals under pressure
With this development the villagers and brave landlords [of Kashmir] were seized by fear of these brave soldiers; they withdrew but could not decide on any course of action. It so happened that one of the zamindars took courage and engaged a Mughal warrior in a fight and, with a single arrow-shot, he put an end to his life. He then snatched the fallen warrior’s arms and robes under which he had concealed a scrip full of gold fastened to his loins. His clothes were colourfully rich. The booty whetted the appetite of Kashmiri soldiers for material gains and they fell upon the Mughal soldiers who had crossed the bridge one by one. They slew them on the spot and plundered their belongings. After concluding this operation, they hewed down the bridge, rendering it unserviceable. Thereafter, they effected a total blockade of the imperial garrison which made them face acute scarcity of food grains and other provisions. The prices of these commodities soared so high that further increase was almost unimaginable:
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Skirmishes between the two sides continued under such hard conditions. The situation was further aggravated by natural calamities; rain and snow, in addition to the extremely frightful scarcity of provisions, brought the imperial army to the brink of disaster. It was compelled to despatch ‘Ali Akbar Shah as an emissary to Mirza Ya’qub Shah, appealing to him for immediate cessation of hostilities. The envoy stated that striking of coins and reading of khutba would continue to be in the name of His Majesty in exactly the same manner as was done hitherto. The emissary added that Yusuf Shah would bring his son Ya’qub to the presence of His Majesty. Although Mirza Qasim prevented Yusuf Shah from standing surety for Ya’qub, his fatherly affection induced him to make the commitment. A letter of guarantee was drafted and passed on the Raja Bhagwan Das.
Bhagwan Das’ discomfiture
From the village of Bolyas, Raja Bhagwan Das carried him along to the capital city of Lahore. Marching in triumph and pageantry, Raja Bhagwan Das headed towards the court of his Majesty with Yusuf Shah. Although Yusuf Shah showed utmost sincerity and faithfulness when he was brought to the imperial court, yet luck as well as the promises of Raja Bhagwan Das both deserted him; he remained in prison for two years and six months. On noticing that his promise had been broken, Raja Bhagwan Das, under the dictates of his sense of honour, which is the distinctive quality of that race, drew his sharp-edged dagger from his belt and thrust it into his belly, which brought out his entrails in a lump. But the hour of death had not yet arrived for the Raja: he recovered from the wound and was soon up and about.
‘Ali Dar’s rebellion
As already stated, Ya’qub Shah ascended the throne of Kashmir in the year A.H. 994 (A.D. 1585-86). This has been found in the chronogram Zillu’llah. The office of the Chief Vizir was assumed by ‘Ali Dar. He was an amiable man but incapacitated by addiction to narcotics, and was unable to distinguish right from wrong or truth from falsehood, so much so that having conferred a certain pargana upon some jagirdar one morning, he re-allotted the same to another in the evening. When the two allottees staked claims to the same jagir and the matter was brought to his notice, he, forgetting his earlier orders, observed that the land in question was state-owned and had not been allotted to anybody as a jagir. This state of mal-administration increased chaos and confusion, bickering and troubles, in the state day by day.
Under these circumstances, Ya’qub Shah considered it prudent to assign to Miran Sayyid Husain Khan and Shams Dooni the task of ensuring the defence of the city of Kashmir. Himself, he proceeded along with the royal entourage to the village of Halehvaleh [sic] for solemnizing the marriage of his adopted son. He returned to the city after the marriage was performed. On reaching the village of Achwal, he came to know that ‘Ali Dar had been contemplating rebellion, and had managed to win over to his side some notable leaders like Shamsi Chak, ‘Alam Sher Khan, Mir Hasan Chadura and others to overpower him during his move to the capital. But their attempts were foiled by the outnumbering and powerful troops of the Sultan.
The frustrated rebels headed towards Sayyid Husain Khan and Shamsi Dooni to seek their cooperation either by coercion or by persuasion. But Ya’qub Shah came to know of this and forthwith set free one Muhammad Mir who had been thrown into prison at the time of his accession to the throne. Together with him, he headed towards the city of Kashmir (Srinagar) and entered into it a little before his opponents could. Minutes later, ‘Ali Dar, along with his accomplices, appeared in the village of Zaldagar after destroying the bridges over the river in the city. On the other side, Ya’qub Shah took position on the Idgah maidan.
Battle of Sopor
Ya’qub Shah was greatly fond of ‘Ali Dar and ‘Ali Dar in turn relied whole-heartedly on his friendship. On that basis ‘Ali Dar hastened to see him at Idgah, where he made certain suggestions to Ya’qub Shah which he thought suited his purpose. But the counsellors and advisers of Ya’qub Shah did not approve them and ‘Ali Dar returned disappointed and crestfallen. He then sought the assistance of his associates and, in order to strengthen his own position, proceeded towards Sopor. He left ‘Alam Sher Khan on this side of Sopor called Mala Pora and himself encamped in the town proper along with his troops. After seven days and nights, he crossed the river at Mala Pora and was engaged in a fierce battle with ‘Alam Sher Khan. The fighting was so fierce that, but for the timely help and protection given to him by friends and colleagues, ‘Alam Sher would have been killed. With great difficulty they managed to bring him from the battlefield to a safer place and rowed him across the river to join Shamsi Chak at Sopor:
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After capturing the town of Sopor, the commanders and nobles of Ya’qub Shah entered the bazaar where fierce fighting took place with the soldiers of Shamsi Chak, who were ultimately overpowered. Since the bridge was very narrow in its width, and the number of fleeing troops was large, in the melee that followed some of the soldiers fell into the river and some others managed to cross over in safety.
Maintaining his presence of mind, Shamsi Chak left the town along with his soldiers and headed towards the city. Ya’qub Shah sent Abu’l-Ma’ali, the son of Miran Sayyid, in his pursuit and himself, together with Yusuf Khan, Ibeh Khan and Sayyid Husain Khan made a lightening dash from Sopor and arrived in the city before Shamsi Chak could be there. On learning about this development, he, ‘Alam Sher Khan and their allies did not think it advisable to enter the city. Harassed by the enemy’s pursuit, ‘Alam Sher Khan, in confusion, separated himself from Shamsi Chak and took to Kitchama mountains. Mir Hasan Chadura escaped to Shamhal village and ‘Ali Dar sought refuge with the landlords of Bartal.
Deserted by his associates, Shamsi Chak was compelled by circumstances to hide himself in the shrine of Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi. His associates and soldiers left him in the lurch:
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On being informed about the latest position, Ya’qub Shah rode to the shrine, captured Shamsi Chak, and put him in the custody of Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan.
No doubt Shamsi Chak was a shrewd and resourceful man, but when the pre-ordained misfortune befell him, his innate sagacity was overshadowed by the veil of imprudence and his intelligence deserted him. He abandoned his horse and took refuge in the house of the inmates of the shrine.
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Qadi Musa executed
After the rebellion was quelled and order was restored in the state, the office of the Chief Vizir was assigned to Muhammad Bhat. Out of malice and ill-will, some people had been alleging that it was Qadi Musa who had caused a rupture in the otherwise cordial relations between Shamsi Chak and Ya’qub Shah. It was further alleged that at the time of the Mughal incursion into Kashmir, headed by Raja Bhagwan Das, Yusuf Shah had requested Kashmiri chiefs to collect arms and equipment [to resist the alien troops], but the Qadi had obstructed the supply of these necessary materials. The fact was that the Qadi was popular and wielded considerable influence among the people. The reason for his popularity was that he had brought to completion the roofing of the Jame’ mosque in Kashmir in one year, which Kashmiri nobles had failed to do. But even in matters of religion and the sect to which he belonged, such malicious things about him were given publicity as were unimaginable in a person of his standing. In this way the malevolent strove every nerve to see the Qadi executed and he was ultimately put to the sword. It goes without saying that had that group of calumniators, with all the power at their disposal, chosen to intercede for him, as the sons of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah had done earlier, to save him from the impending fate, their good record would have remained imprinted in the history of the world to the day of the last judgment: 
This event caused considerable unrest and agitation among the nobles and the local people of Kashmir, and almost wrecked the very foundation of Ya’qub Shah’s regime.
Under the damaging influence of Mulla Hasan Aswad and others, he dismissed the wise and sagacious Muhammad Bhat from the ministry and threw him into prison. This act deepened the crisis within the country. The high post of the Chief Vizir passed into the hands of the incompetent Nazuk Bhat. He was neither wise nor shrewd and could not resolve the crisis caused by the killing of the Qadi. He scarcely had any knowledge of the plight of ordinary people. Eventually the soldiers of several regions got dissatisfied with their patrons and were compelled by circumstances to desert them:
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Qasim Khan’s expedition
Faced with the disorder which prevailed in that land, the nobles and men of consequence in those days reported the matter in full detail at the imperial court. His Imperial Majesty honoured a group of warriors by giving them royal robes and gifts and they became a part of the large army raised and despatched for the conquest of Kashmir under the command of Qasim Khan Mir Bahr, and also included several high-ranking warriors who were entrusted with responsible jobs. Shaykh Ya’qub, “the perfect in visage and in method” and Haidar Chak were also given permission and directed to accompany Qasim Khan Mir Bahr as his guides from station to station on his way to Kashmir. They were given directions to show consideration and favour to all people who came across their way so that they were not scared or coerced into abandoning their hearths and homes.
When this news was brought to Ya’qub Shah, he placed the city under the command of Nazuk Bhat’s brother and himself came out of it. Sayyid Saif Khan Baihaqi  procured robes, horses, and equipment from Nazuk Bhat’s brother and joined ‘Alam Sher Khan at the village of Kitchama. Both of them joined hands and, with the intention of restoring order, turned towards the city.
On reaching Hirpur, Ya’qub Shah took the precautionary measure of deploying commanders like Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, Ibrahim Khan, son of Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah, and others to ensure the safety of Kenchil [sic] route, before the expected arrival of imperial troops.
Some of the soldiers of Ya’qub Shah found that there was disunity in his camp; therefore, they joined together and, after arresting Fath ‘Ali known by the title Nowrang Khan, proceeded towards the imperial army. Bahram Nayak, Isma’il Nayak and Shanki Charlu, who had been sent to safeguard the Kenehil [sic] route joined the imperial army. The position of the defectors could best be explained by the idiom, “between the devil and the deep sea.”
Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, and Ibrahim Khan, son of Miran Sayyid, retraced their steps and joined Ya’qub Shah. Frustration overwhelmed Ya’qub Shah and his troops were in disarray at this critical juncture. At last, Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’lMa’ali thought it expedient to release Shamsi Chak and Muhammad Bhat from prison. He proposed fresh agreements and understanding with them and also suggested necessary reforms in Ya’qub Shah’s army by upgrading the ranks of soldiers. The proposal was well received and highly appreciated by Ya’qub Shah. Some of his nobles, who had been recently admitted to superior social rank, outwardly endorsed his decision of releasing the two detenues, but, in truth, they were not happy about it. They misled Ya’qub Shah by advising him to proceed towards Chitar [sic] mountains early next morning without further delay or deliberation:
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Driven by circumstances the commanders and soldiers of his army got an opportunity to run away in different directions.
A report stating that utter confusion prevailed in the army of Ya’qub Shah was brought to the Emperor. He despatched to that land Shaykh Ya’qub “the perfect in visage and method,” Mir Sibi and Shanki Jarariyeh (Charareh ?) Kashmiri with a strong force to bring relief and comfort to people in those lands. They were directed to promulgate in the length and breadth of that realm the orders and ordinances of His Majesty’s deputies.
On reaching the locality of Hastiwanj, the Mughal contingent was attacked by a large group of local troops, who inflicted a number of casualties on them. Mir Sibi was wounded and both Shaykh Ya’qub and Shanker Jarariyeh [sic] were captured and were not subjected to torture or harsh treatment, for the reason that the former was a man of learning and the latter a blood relation of Hasan Chak [sic]. They were pardoned and set free:
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Meanwhile Shamsi Chak managed to unite with himself veterans such as Sayyid Hasan Khan Baihaqi, Husain Khan, son of Ibeh Shah, ‘Alam Sher Khan, Muhammad Bhat and almost all the soldiers who had left Ya’qub’s service and had been scattered all over the land. They took position atop Kunandehbal  hills and soon got engaged in skirmishes with the imperial troops:
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Muhammad Chak, son of Naji [sic] Chak, was a renowned warrior of Kashmir. Like a brave soldier, he took the lead and displayed feats of valour on the battlefield. He got locked in a duel with a soldier of the opposing side; they held each other fast by the belt. Then Ghakkar soldier, Jalal Khan by name, came on galloping to the pit where the two warriors were struggling to overpower each other. This horseman put an end to the life of Muhammad Chak. The event made Zafar Khan Nayak’s blood boil; he made a lightening move and charged at the adversary of Muhammad Chak in the manner of a brave and valiant soldier. But he fell a victim to the musket shot of Qanbar ‘Ali, the attendant of Mirza Hakim. At that time this Qanbar ‘Ali was enlisted in the staff of the imperial artillery. This is how Zafar Khan met with his death. Despite their best efforts, Kashmiri commanders and nobles met with defeat and ran helter skelter.
The triumphant and victorious Mughal troops occupied the Hastiwanj hill. In A.H. 994 (A.D. 1585), Nawwab Qasim Khan entered the city at the head of his victorious army. Haidar was suspected of fomenting trouble and, therefore, was thrown into prison. Citizens, soldiers, as well as the general masses of Kashmir assessed the situation, and expressed regret and repentance over their base deeds and acts of perfidy towards earlier (Mughal) officials. Out of fear and dread, they withdrew into obscurity.
The news of Haidar Chak’s arrest was brought to Ya’qub Shah. Without loss of time, he set out along with his troops from Kashmir in full pageantry and encamped at Tserehwani. He rallied round him all those militant people who had hitherto been in a state of disarray and disunity, and provoked them to rise and fight the Mughals.
When this frightful news reached Qasim Khan, he deputed Mubarak Khan Ghakkar along with some of his reputed warriors to support him. When this contingent was on its way to Ya’qub’s camp, the counsellors and the advisers of Ya’qub Shah’s army decided that before the arrival of the enemy on the scene they should launch a night assault on Qasim Khan in the city itself. They hoped that this strategy would yield satisfactory results.
Acting on this decision, Ya’qub’s soldiers made a night assault on Qasim Khan:
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In the course of the assault, his opponents had taken a firm resolve to see him killed. Therefore they did not appear at their appointed places [during the night-assault]. The reason was that all of them were unhappy with his rule.
After analysing the course of events Ya’qub Shah came to a definite conclusion that friendship of the people could not be relied upon; the love of fellow beings was unsteady. In a state of helplessness he sealed his lips and withdrew silently from the locality of Zaldagar to Tsereh-Wudar:
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The bravest of the Baihaqi Sayyids, Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali, fearlessly came to the appointed place and made awe-inspiring assaults on the enemy, setting on fire the gateway of the mansion of Yusuf Shah, presently under the occupation of Qasim Khan and his numerous troops. Some of the factional leaders like Mir Hasan Charu (Chadura ?), depending on and confident of the remarkable bravery and indomitable courage of Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali, cooperated with one another and launched powerful attacks in the fashion of war veterans and disallowed the opponents any advantage of closing in. Meanwhile Haidar Chak, who had been put into prison by Qasim Khan’s orders was hastily executed.
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When the dark night turned into a kind of bright day by the leaping flames of fire, crowds of people rushed out from every lane and street and, laying their hands on sticks, stones, brickbats, etc., attacked and wounded the Mughal soldiers. Royal treasure which remained in the custody of ‘Abdu’r-Razzaq Mamuri had been deposited in the same place. Kashmiri soldiers assisted by the above-mentioned Miran Sayyid rushed forth to plunder it. A fierce and bloody battle took place between the Mughals and the above-mentioned Amir. Qasim Khan saw the extraordinary and remarkable valour of Kashmiri warriors and retired temporarily to a more secure place by the lake side, and did not extend help and assistance to Mir ‘Abdu’r-Razzaq Mamuri. He beheld that leader of the redoubtable Sayyids (Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali), whose Hashimite descent needs no introduction, as a man of incredible valour, who stood like a solid rock on the battle field, and led a fierce fight against the Mughal troops. A large number of soldiers on either side was wounded and badly mauled.
Meanwhile the people of this land learnt that Payandeh Qazzaq, a warrior of the imperial camp, had raised a contingent of soldiers to reinforce the group guarding the treasury. Learning of their arrival, the Kashmiri soldiers suspended their attack on Mir Abdu’r-Razzaq, and turned to fight the supporting contingent. Payandeh Qazzaq was a renowned and experienced warrior, and obviously it was no mean task to face him on the field of action:
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No warrior of this land could muster courage to come out on the pit to challenge him; however, ‘Ali Mir Bilaw [sic] took the lead in this. Issuing forth from his ranks he struck a blow with his sword at the Mughal warrior. But that brave man, displaying his manly power and courage, dodged the thrust. Then on the point of his lance he lifted ‘Ali Mir up from his saddle and hurled him on the ground. People who witnessed the alacrity and bravery of this warrior loudly warned that none should hazard a combat with him, for heroes like Rustam and Sam would be amazed at the sight of his might and skill.
Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali too witnessed his bravery and valour. Without any hesitation and taking it as a challenge to his sense of honour, he began his attack on him. Soldiers and onlookers watched the two warriors in action, Payandeh Qazzaq took the lead and struck a terrible blow of his lance at the Sayyid. But with God’s help, he successfully dodged the thrust. In return, he dealt him a deadly blow of his sharp-edged sword, which sent him down reeling on the heap of dust, putting an end to his life.
Payandeh Qazzaq’s warriors witnessed the bravery of the Sayyid and, therefore, avoiding a battle, withdrew to the main body of their troops. [Later on] the imperial troops came out like ants and locusts to attack the Kashmiri soldiers. About seventy to eighty soldiers encircled Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali and wanted to capture him alive. He brought his horse into quick action and managed to scare them away by shooting arrows at them:
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Had the warriors of this land also come out and engaged the enemy with as much intrepidity as the Baihaqi Sayyids did, God would have certainly rewarded them with victory. But as the saying goes, “the master-key to the treasures of climes lies in God’s own coffers; none has ever opened it with the sheer force of arms” Since God’s will was not in their favour, they were not rewarded with victory.
Qasim Khan’s plans
After this event, Nawwab Qasim Khan assigned Mubarak Khan Ghakkar the duty of dealing with Shamsi Chak, Sayyid Husain Khan Baihaqi and Shamsi Dooni who were in the town of Sopor. Mubarak Khan’s troops came out of the city and halted at the village Denwari, where Shamsi Chak, in cooperation with Sayyid Husain Khan Baihaqi, Shamsi Dooni and others made a night-assault on them. The result was a battle in which many people got killed. But, because they had no divine help, they suffered a defeat and withdrew to the town of Sopor. On account of bitter cold, they chose to retire to Karnav mountains.
Ya’qub Shah, along with his brethren, proceeded to Kathwar (Kishtwar) ranges and Miran Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali left for Ludov in the Nayak ranges. On account of severe cold, the rest of the local soldiers found shelter in the house of the landlords of this country and did not enter the services of the imperial army.
Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, and Husain Khan, son of Ibeh Shah, joined the imperial army after obtaining some firm commitment from Nawwab Qasim Khan. After they joined, Nawwab Qasim Khan confiscated such of the jagirs as had been in possession of the Kashmiri soldiers. Consequently, the soldiers of this land felt dispirited and, taking advantage of winter, they deserted the imperial army and dispersed in different quarters.
After the winter was over, Nawwab Qasim Khan considered it expedient to send Miran Sayyid Mubarak Shah, Baba Khalilu’llah, and Baba Mehdi, Husain Shah, son of Yusuf Khan, to the imperial capital along with Khanjar Beg. Sayyid Mubarak Shah had totally renounced worldly affairs and gone into seclusion for meditation and prayers. Baba Khalilu’llah and Baba Mehdi were saintly persons unique in their qualities of celibacy and resignation to the Divine Will, and Husain Shah held the title Khan-i-thahi. The purpose in sending them to the capital was to put an end to disruption and chaos in this land, for all times to come.
The party escorted by Khanjar Beg appeared in the presence of His Imperial Majesty at a time when the winter also came to an end. The Kashmiri soldiers, who had hitherto been lying low, came out of their hideouts and resumed hostilities against the imperial troops. Ya’qub Shah, together with his brother, Mirza Ibrahim and Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, and the zamindars of Bring and Chitar [sic] issued forth from Katwar and encamped at the village of Dagwan. Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali, Ibrahim Khan, Naji Raina, the Zamindar Bartal, along with his sons, Bahram Nayak and Ahmad Nayak, Zamindars of Nagam(a), Yusuf Shee. Zamindar of Kother, and others came out of Ludov and in the ranges of Naji Rainas [sic], set up their headquarters at Ghazi Nari. Shamsi Chak, in alliance with Shamsi Dooni, the Zamindar of Kamaraj, descended from Karnav mountains and they established their stronghold in the Kamaraj mountains.
When this frightening news reached Nawwab Qasim Khan, he deputed Jalal Khan Ghakkar and Mubarak Khan Ghakkar to fight Miran Sayyid and Shamsi Chak, respectively. Himself he came out of the city and arrayed his troops near the village of Ghasu. In the battle fought between Yaqub Shah and the Mughals, Mirzada ‘Ali Khan, along with many other soldiers of the imperial army, fell slain in the battlefield.
Observing the turn of the tide, Nawwab Qasim Khan resorted to dilatory tactics and returned to the city. He then recalled Jalal Khan and Mubarak Khan Ghakkar from their posts to reinforce his troops and strengthen his position.
Ya’qub Shah moved from Ghasu [sic] and appeared on the Suleyman mountain. He despatched Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, to meet and bring Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali to his presence. Miran Sayyid’s joining Ya’qub Shah added to his prestige and strength and he felt glorified. Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Dooni, both of whom had hitherto declined to show allegiance to Ya’qub Shah, were also drawn to make overtures to him when they heard that a compromise had been reached between him and Miran Sayyid Abu’lMa’ali. They crossed the river and camped at the village Hanjeek.
When Nawwab Qasim saw that Kashmiri troops were gathering in large numbers, he took all necessary measures to ensure the security of the fort  [there]. Each day witnessed renewed fighting between the Kashmiri soldiers and the Mughals which continued for two and a half months.
The aforesaid Nawwab ultimately realized that the signs of slackness and weariness in the imperial army had become fairly visible. He was compelled by circumstances to send through his emissary a message to the imperial court that he was faced with a situation of hardships and shortages of provisions. On receiving this report, His Imperial Majesty sought the counsel of senior government officials for providing relief to his troops in Kashmir. Their unanimous opinion was that suppression of the uprising in Kashmir could be possible only through the instrumentality of Sayyid Mubarak Shah.
His Imperial Majesty extended royal favours to the aforesaid Sayyid and ordered that he should proceed to Kashmir in the company of Mirza Yusuf Khan and others and see to it that the insurgents in Kashmir were subdued. His Imperial Majesty showed extraordinary interest in this mission and insisted on Miram Sayyid to undertake it, but he indicated his reluctance to do so on one pretext or the other. This earned him the displeasure of His Majesty who then ordered that he should proceed to Bengal to join Shahbaz Khan Kambu. A year later when this Shahbaz Khan returned to pay a courtesy call at the Imperial Court and reached Ferozabad, the call from the unknown to return came to Miran Sayyid and he had no alternative but to respond. The chronogram containing the date of his death has been recorded in these verses:
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He was survived by three sons, namely, Miran Sayyid Husain Khan, Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali and Miran Sayyid Ibrahim Khan. A mention of them has already been made in the earlier pages and, God willing, more about them shall follow.
Qasim Khan liquidated
When Miran Sayyid refused to accept the assignment of His Majesty, Nawwab Qasim Khan became arrogant and high-handed towards Kashmiri commanders. This news was brought to His Majesty, who deputed Mirza Yusuf Khan to govern Kashmir with the help of Baba Khaliu’llah and Muhammad Bhat. Muhammad Bhat was a handsome person who was gifted with a noble disposition and a suave manner. People in those lands considered his appearance on the scene as nothing short of a boon. Through his efforts Lohar Chak, son of Bahram Chak, and Isma’il Nayak joined Yusuf Khan while he was still on his way. The imperial troops entered the city without facing any resistance.
On learning of this development Ya’qub Shah, accompanied by Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali, Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, and others moved to set up his headquarters in Kathwar mountains, while Shamsi Chak, assisted by Shamsi Dooni and others, encamped in Poonch.
In the year A.H. 995 (A.D. 1586/87), Mirza Yusuf Khan occupied the seat of authority of this country, and with that Nawwab Qasim Khan was forced to proceed towards the imperial court along with some Kashmiri commanders, such as ‘Alam Sher Khan.
The sagacious Muhammad Mir ( ?) Bhat soothed and encouraged the rank and file of the Kashmiri troops by providing each one of them with a jagir commensurate with his rank. In this way, he brought them under his control and subordination, and induced them to take up arms against Ya’qub Shah and Miran Sayyid to an unimaginable extent.
Shamsi Chak’s insurgence
With the onset of spring, Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Doon, came out of their dwelling places and began to fan the flames of chaos and disorder in Kashmir. Mirza Yusuf Khan, taking notice of these developments, despatched Muhammad Bhat and Sayyid Bahau’d-Din and Kashmiri troops to deal with them. The aforesaid Sayyid marched his troops to the village of Nasu [sic] in Biru pargana. But Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Dooni took the initiative and, exhibiting remarkable bravery, made a night-assault on them in which Kashmiri soldiers [of Muhammad Bhat] suffered severe reverses. On coming close to the tent of Mir Sayyid Bahau’d-Din, one of the brothers of the Sayyid dashed out of his tent barefooted and with his sword struck a blow on his enemy’s horse, but only to slit the reins. The rider was rendered powerless but the horse in a bid to return to its stable bore him away from that dangerous pit to the contiguous lands of Poonch. In this battle Kashmiri soldiers indulged in a large scale killing of each other. Shamsi Chak’s troops withdrew to Poonch.
Muhammad Bhat becomes vain
Muhammad Mir (?) Bhat came to Mirza Sayyid Yusuf Khan along with the imperial troops. [ The sentence after this is incomplete in the text and has not been translated. ] On his advice, Mirza Sayyid Yusuf Khan honoured each Kashmiri soldier with a befitting reward and induced them to fight against Ya’qub Shah.
Finding that the strategy of putting Shamsi Chak’s soldiers to rout had worked well, Muhammad Mir (?) Bhat lost his head and began to make boastful claims. Ya’qub Shah and Miran Sayyid Abu’l-Ma’ali came to know of Muhammad Mir (?) Bhat’s vain utterances. It challenged their sense of honour and, dashing forth from Kathwar mountains, they encamped at the village of Panjyari (Penzyari) in Dachhanpara pargana. Mirza Yusuf Khan received the news of their movement. He directed Muhammad Bhat and Hajji Mirak, a renowned noble of his army, to lead a strong and well-equipped force to confront the enemy. A large number of horses was placed at their disposal; in addition to this, robes of honour and substantial amounts of cash were also given to them.
Muhammad Bhat, accompanied by Hajji Mirak, took to guile and treachery and sent them conciliatory messages, completely disregarding his previous acquaintance with them. He hoped to take them unawares and, using all the means at his disposal, tried to make them his captives:
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Some of the warriors [ of Ya'qub Shah ] were taken in by his soft and conciliatory words and could not decide whether to join him or not. But Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’lMa’ali could read the writing on the wall. However, he responded to his overtures in an equally soft tone, using the sweetest of phrases. At the same time, he held consultations about how the impending serious threat could be warded off. His aids and commanders unanimously agreed to trust his authority, after the true spirit of the verse that “what you deem right is also right for us.”.
Fighting breaks out
It was Miran Sayyid’s considered opinion that a night halt was certainly fraught with the danger of their being made prisoners the next morning. He, therefore, resolved to trust in Providence and make a quick assault on the enemy:
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“Should the adventure succeed, our objective will be realized. If it does not, the story of our bravery will get imprinted on the book of the world.”
loins and made a charge on the imperial army. On coming closer, they stopped for a while to assess the enemy’s strength. By late afternoon, when about one-fourth of the day still left, they clashed with the vanguard of the imperial army led by Muhammad Mir. In this fighting they displayed feats of extraordinary bravery. Their attack was so fierce that Muhammad Mir got unnerved and ran away from the battlefield along with his soldiers and joined the imperial army. In the course of fighting, Miran Sayyid Ibrahim Khan was wounded and fell from his horse. This incident diverted the attention of some of the commanders away from the battle for some time. But the sudden appearance of clouds on the sky which brought torrential rains as had never been witnessed before, led to suspension in fighting. Soldiers on either side retired to their camps or lodgings. Muhammad Bhat levelled accusations against his troops and criticised them, and waited at his camp for two days.
Acting upon the silly advice of some incompetent persons Ya’qub Shah moved away from his present position towards the pargana of Ular, with the purpose of raising troops. In the course of this shift in tactics, some of his soldiers, perhaps out of fear of the imperial army, deserted him and defected to Muhammad Mir. The remaining soldiers crossed the Lank Nay and arrived in the vicinity of the pargana of Ular at the village Naristan to camp on the heights of the lofty mountain [of Naristan].
As against this, Muhammad Bhat, commanding a very large number of troops, took position on the slopes of the mountain of Naristan. Fighting broke out in the early hours of the morning. Since the number of the imperial troops was very large and Ya’qub Shah had only a handful of troops at his disposal, it became obvious to him that resistance was futile as well as impossible. Ya’qub Shah, Mirza Ibrahim and Ibeh Khan managed to draw themselves away from that deadly place by their superb feats of archery and proceeded towards the mountains of Kathwar. Miran Sayyid Abu’lMa’ali held on obdurately to his position alone, with a small number of his men, fighting with their back to the wall.
The imperial troops on noticing that there were not many soldiers with Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali, issued forth in groups from the top and the slopes of that mountain. Their strategy was to block the pathways. They gave them a hot pursuit up to the village Tsrar and people came out in multitudes and surrounded Miran Sayyid. At last he was made a captive and brought before Mirza Yusuf Khan. Although on that day also he was unmistakably valorous and heroic, yet, since fate was not in his favour, he could not escape to a safe place:
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Abul’-Ma’ali treated well
The aforesaid Miran Sayyid held a distinguished place among the warriors of this land because of his remarkable bravery and heroism. Besides, he was gifted with the qualities of honesty and integrity. Consequently, Mirza Yusuf Khan considered the matter of his captivity as one of singular importance. He fully observed the established norms of respect and courtesy and, as a mark of due consideration to his dignity, took off his gorgeous gown – a gift from the Emperor – and put it on the shoulders of Miran Sayyid. Mirza Yusuf Khan took care that not even the slightest reference was made to the events which had occurred before this. A lodge was reserved for his dwelling.
Treatment of Kashmiri Commanders
Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Dooni came to know of these developments. They approached Sayyid Bahau’d-Din for rapproachment and disposal of their cases. The Sayyid, gifted with prudence as he was, assuaged their fears by extending firm promises of his effective intervention in their case. In the course of his talk with Mirza Yusuf Khan, he expressly mentioned to him the well-known principle of diplomacy that a formidable enemy should be won over by stratagem and his enmity neutralized by munificence:
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His clear suggestion to him was that Shamsi Chak and Shamsi Dooni be treated ordially so that they could be assured of their safety and security; it would result in their agreeing to enter the imperial service by presenting themselves before Mirza Yusuf.
Mirza Yusuf took his advice and promised to act in full conformity with it. Consequently, after securing fresh and reaffirmed commitments from him, Sayyid Bahau’d-Din brought them to the presence of Mirza Yusuf Khan who, in turn, granted them funds, provided them with horses and, in the company of Sayyid Bahau’d-Din, sent them out of their native land to the presence of His Majesty:
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His Majesty was disposed to deal leniently with them and treat them with kindness because they were foreigners. He allowed to each of them a rank (mansab) commensurate with his status. As a result of the insinuations [of some malicious persons] and summons from Prince Salim, Ibeh Khan son of Abdal Khan, a close associate of Ya’qub Shah, was made to part company with him. He came to Kashmir for a meeting with Mirza Yusuf Khan and then brought himself to the presence of Prince Salim.
Subsequent to these events, Mirza Yusuf Khan despatched Sayyid Husain Khan Baihaqi, ‘Ali Dar, Lohar Chak, son of Daulat Chak, Shamsi Chak, son of Lohar Chak, Isma’il Dooni, and others to the imperial capital as prisoners under military escort. His Majesty bestowed upon each a rank commensurate with his status. Some of them were granted higher ranks, while others had to rest content with the ahadi rank.
Yusuf Khan’s malice
Soon after, Bahram Nayak, along with his sons, was poisoned. Saif Khan Baihaqi, ‘Ali Khan of Dachhinpora, Ibrahim called Ibeh Shetan, the brother of Haidar Chak, were deprived of their eyesight under various pretexts. Lohar Chak Qurchi was sentenced to death.
Mirza Yusuf Khan was greatly fascinated by the scenic beauty and invigorating climate of Kashmir. As a result, he began to implicate the nobles of that land in false and fabricated cases, and in this way found pretests to do away with a few of them every day.
When the affairs of the lands of Kashmir came to be shaped in accordance with the predetermined policy of the administration and a report analysing this situation was submitted to the Emperor,[6l] the latter decided to make pleasure trip to Kashmir by way of tamasha. This land was honoured by the royal visit. Ya’qub Shah, who was living in peace, pleasure and happiness along with his family at Kathwar, without being disturbed by malicious persons, desired to enter the service of His Majesty. He was able to do so through the good offices of Mirza Yusuf Khan, after making him agree to certain commitments and conditions and then came to the presence of the Emperor.
Mirza Yusuf’s intrigue
After this, the Emperor proceeded to Kabul and ordered Mirza Yusuf Khan to accompany him, leaving behind his brother Shah Baqer in his place. Usta Lolo, who was notorious for his villainy, was prompted by Mirza Yusuf Khan to encourage Shah Baqer to place Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’lMa’ali, ‘Alam Sher Khan, Lohar Chak and several others under detention till the return of Mirza Yusuf Khan from Kabul, with the purpose of foiling attempts at creating disorder and disruption in the state:
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Acting upon the counsel of that depraved person, he got the above-mentioned persons imprisoned. A despatch was sent to the Emperor stating that Miran Sayyid Abu’l-Ma’ali ‘Alam Sher Khan, Lohar Chak, Bahadur Khan and others were a source of disorder in Kashmir and in order to deal effectively with the menace, it would be judicious to ask Mirza Yusuf Khan to assume [rather resume the governing authority of these lands as early as possible, otherwise Kashmir would be lost to the empire. On receiving this report, His Majesty forthwith permitted Mirza Yusuf Khan to leave the imperial headquarters. Yusuf Khan found development conducive to his larger interests and headed towards Kashmir in great hurry. Shortly after arriving in Kashmir, he released Miran Sayyid Shah Abu'l-Ma'ah from prison on the security furnished by Muhammad Mir, and sent him away to join the service of Raja Man Singh. 'Alam Sher Khan, Lohar Chak, Bahadur Khan, and others were sent to the Imperial Court.
Usta Lolo’s perfidy
Since most of the Kashmiri commanders were scattered and banished from the land, disorder and insurgence were eliminated totally. Therefore, Muhammad Mir could not enjoy the confidence and respect of Mirza Yusuf as he did earlier. In particular the garrulous and glib-tongued Usta Lolo, the prominent businessman of that land, because of his innate wickedness and his habit of fault-finding and selfishness, succeeded in vitiating Mirza Yusuf Khan’s impression about him:
[ verses ]
It was through this art of flattery and sycophancy that he made himself known to the Emperor who afterwards summoned him to his presence. His Majesty made detailed enquiries about all the happenings in Kashmir from him. In response to them, Usta Lolo told him the stories of (Kashmir’s) past, present and future (?) kings in the form of a narrative, which made a good impression on the Emperor. Consequently, Usta Lolo’s prestige and stature increased day by day, so much so that the title Nadiru’l-’Asr meaning “the rarity of the age” was conferred upon him. Out of their innate nobility, Mirza Ya’qub Khan and Muhammad Mir had confided in that base and malicious person. Taking him as one of their friends “the veil of duality between them had been lifted.” Thinking that his knowledge of their affairs could help him in eliciting special favours from the Emperor, he reported to him about their affairs as well as true and false accounts of Mirza Yusuf Khan’s excesses in such an effective manner that His Majesty got annoyed with Mirza Yusuf:
[ verses ]
(Keeping company with a base person is like carrying a venomous snake under your arm)
Prudence and sagacity demand that we act upon this principle so that we are safe against the treachery of a foe in a friend’s garb.
Muhammad Mir summoned
In the course of these events, Shah Mirza, the son of Mir Badla, left for heavenly abode. His miraculous spiritual powers were known to people in these lands. He enjoyed full confidence of Mirza Yusuf Khan and had been very close to him. He did everything possible to gain the friendship and affection of Muhammad Mir. His death has been recorded in the chronogram Shah Mirza maqbul-i dargah-i-ilah.
Baba Khalil, who had acted as a surety to Muhammad Mir, too abandoned the prison house of this world. The chronogram Khalilu’l-Rahman gives the date of his death. These events led to a decline in the prestige of Muhammad Mir. Usta Lolo, the arch sycophant of his day, realized the extent of disintegration which Baba Khalil’s death was likely to cause to the government of Mir Muhammad. He secretly reported to the Emperor that it was Baba Khalilu’llah who had exercised a restraining influence over Muhammad Mir in his efforts to foment trouble in Kashmir. Now that Baba Khalil was dead, Muhammad Mir was likely to create disturbances. It would, therefore, be in the fitness of things and in the interests of the state that Muhammad Mir was summoned to the imperial court so that the chances of his instigating trouble in the country were eliminated.
In this way Muhammad Mir was summoned to the imperial court. Some time later, he worked in league with Mirza Yusuf Khan to incite Ibeh Shah, Lohar Chak, brother of Shamsi Chak, and Husain Wulu (Dulu ?) to proceed to Kashmir, for the purpose of creating trouble and work towards disruption of law and order and to spread discord among various sections of people in such a way that they would clash with one another. He thought that such a situation would lead the Emperor to recall Yusuf Khan and enable himself to assume their earlier positions of administering the realm of Kashmir. This group of foolish people acted upon their prompting and left for Kashmir.
They came to the house of ‘Ali Raina, the landlord of Bartal. This ‘Ali Raina behaved without any sense of gratitude; acted without generosity, and considerateness; ignored the obligations of kinship and loyalty, and took recourse to wickedness. He handed them over to the agents of Mirza Yusuf Khan. They begged for their release saying that they had come in these lands under the instructions of Mirza Yusuf Khan, but their entreaties were of no avail. On the contrary, their explanation recoiled on them, because the agents took these words to be an attempt at defaming Mirza Yusuf Khan. Thereupon, without the slightest hesitation and without wasting time, [they ordered that] their heads be severed from their bodies:
[ verses ]
On his way to Lahore, ‘Ali Raina, as a consequence of this wicked deed, was afflicted with some malignant disease and died an ignoble death so much so that no one undertook to give him a burial:
Muhammad Mir’s intrigue
Thus Muhammad Mir’s expectations about the outcome of his intrigue were frustrated. As a result of this, he resumed his activities of creating disruption in Kashmir. He sent Yusuf Khan Kashmiri to those lands to serve the aforesaid purpose so that the Emperor would be constrained to send them back to govern Kashmir. This was the plan they drew up secretly. Accordingly, Yusuf Khan set out from the capital city of Lahore towards Kashmir, but the powerful stars of the Emperor forced him to retrace his steps. This news was conveyed to the Emperor but, as he was disposed kindly towards his subjects, he overlooked his crime and did not punish him. Ya’qub Shah was also implicated in this matter. But, because His Majesty had entered into some agreement with him and made some commitments, Ya’qub Shah continued to be at the imperial court. However, escorted by Hasain Beg Turkman, he was brought to the presence of Raja Man Singh to join his father Yusuf Shah.
Hasan Beg’s narrow escape
In this way, instigated by some base and unwise people and with the consent of his brother, Ya’qub Shah, Mirza Ibrahim took advantage of the opportunity and dealt a blow with his sword on the head of Hasan Beg Turkman. Hasan Beg was a man of genial disposition and fair in his intentions. With God’s protection, not even a hair of his head was touched: his alert soldiers sprang at Mirza Ibrahim and slew him on the spot:
[ verses ]
This incident made Ya’qub Shah immensely dejected. He was overwhelmed by despondency and repented sorely over what had came to pass. Hasan Beg took notice of his condition and was moved to compassion. Securing him from any reprisals or hostile action against him on the way. Hasan Beg brought him safely to Jonapur. But before releasing him from detention, he obtained a surety from Yusuf Shah [of his safe conduct]. Later on he was sent to enter the services of Raja Man Singh at Rohtas.
Yusuf Shah’s character
While these things were happening, let us have a look at Yusuf Shah. He was gifted with qualities of generosity and charitableness to such an extent that whatever in the shape of cash, kind, gold, robes, ornaments, etc. caught his eye, he gifted it away lavishly and unhesitatingly. Those who were not aware of his innate generosity, attributed it to his mental derangement. After the conquest of Orissa on Tuesday, the sixth of the month of Dhu’l-Hijja, he took ill shortly after sunrise and, on Wednesday, on the fourteenth day of the same month in the year A.H. 1000 (A.D. 1591), when about three quarters of night had passed, he surrendered his soul to God:
[ verses ]
The dead body of Yusuf Shah was removed by Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali from Jagarnath – a town abounding in icons and idols – with such elaborate ceremonies as would befit magnificent kings and masters of equipage and large retinues. The entire journey was covered in two months and, on each day, alms and charities, food and sherbet were given to the poor and the destitute. On Sunday, the 23rd of the month of Rabiu’l-Awwal, in the late afternoon his mortal remains were buried in the pargana of Bisnak  in Bihar. A spacious garden was laid out adjoining his grave and a deep well lined with baked bricks was also dug near it. The date of his death has been found in the chronogram Yusuf Shah mord faryad.
When Yusuf Shah left this transient world for the everlasting abode, Raja Man Singh bestowed great attention upon his son, Ya’qub Shah. He conferred upon him the jagir and the rank of his late father. This arrangement continued for more than a year, after that His Imperial Majesty summoned Raja Man Singh to his august presence. On the eve of his departure to the imperial court – the meeting place of the choicest of men of the day – two persons of criminal disposition who still bore on their foreheads the dark marks of servitude to Yusuf Shah, hatched a conspiracy against Ya’qub Shah. They made a submission to Raja Man Singh that leaving Yaqub Shah in that part of the country with freedom of movement amounted to letting a bird out of the cage or a falcon out of one’s clutches. They suggested to him that Yaqub Shah should at least be interned so that he was rendered incapable of returning to his native land and hunt birds there:
[ verses ]
Raja Man Singh was alarmed by this possibility and detained Ya’qub Shah in the fort of Rohtas. Some time later, Raja Man Singh was permitted to leave the imperial court for Rohtas. Meanwhile the afore-mentioned detestable and accursed persons once again conspired to put an end to the life of Ya’qub Shah. They made Qasim Khan an accomplice in their crime, who had been known as an illegitimate son of Yusuf Shah. As a punishment for his hideous deeds in the past, (Qasim Khan) had served a year’s term of imprisonment under the orders of the Emperor. It was Raja Man Singh who had interceded for him at that time and secured the orders of his release from prison. The truth is that he was the offspring of a butcher. As he was depraved and inherently wicked, Qasim Khan took the initiative to realize his objective and waited for a suitable opportunity.
On the eve of Raja Man Singh’s arrival in the fort of Rohtas, the two malicious persons accompanied his troops in those regions. Ya’qub Shah sought the permission of the Raja to proceed on a pleasure trip to his jagir and the town of Bhera. Out of courtesy he dropped at Qasim Khan’s residence to take his leave. The treacherous villain, taking advantage of this opportunity, offered him a few betel leaves, one of which concealed deadly poison. Offering of a betel leaf was in accordance with the custom prevailing among the people in those lands. With his sinful hands, Qasim Khan selected this very poisonous leaf for him and, simulating affection, kinship and special regard, he made him accept it. After accepting the betel leaf, Ya’qub Shah took leave of his murderer and returned to his lodging. Soon after he could feel the effect of poison spreading in his body. A few days later, on reaching the town of Bhera, the colour of his face changed to deep blue. On the eighth day of Muharram, A.H. 1001 (A.D. 1592), he breathed his last:
[ verses ]
On learning of this tragic event, Raja Man Singh despatched Qasim Khan to those regions with the purpose of informing and consoling the survivors of the bereaved family. Man Singh was under the impression that Qasim Khan, being the next of kin, and one of the members of the bereaved family, would be the proper person to be entrusted with this missions. But this ungodly ( Khuda na- tars) fellow joined hands with some abominable wretches to hatch more conspiracies. He subjected Ya’qub Shah’s offspring to harassment and victimization in many ways. Household effects, property, gold and ornaments, all that was left with his legitimate queen was seized and taken possession of by him. There was none at the court of Raja Man Singh who gave any attention to their grievances.
The death of a noble father and his illustrious son was a tragedy of great magnitude for their compatriots. Eventually Miran Sayyid Shah ‘Abu’l-Ma’ali, who was their kinsman, besides also having affectionate relationship with the household, brought the dead body of Ya’qub Shah to the pargana of Bisnak to be buried by the side of his father. Let benign God forgive his sins.
Subsequent to these events, and after a lapse of about three or four years, that rascal of a man fell a victim to the wrath of the Wrathful (God) and two carbuncles, horrible to look at, appeared in his armpit and in his anus. On account of acute pain he could not move about for nearly l year. Though he applied ointment to the ulcers, it seemed as if some invisible power made the medicine ineffective; and, in fact, made the sores more putrid. Out of repentance he spoke before everybody, high and low, all that he had done and made no attempt to conceal his feelings of regret and sorrow. The disease, finally, proved fatal. At present he remains buried at the village of Tanda in the province of Bengal:
[ verses ]
It has been said that prior to his death by poisoning, Ya’qub Shah once suffered amebic dysentery because of his excessive use of narcotics like opium. The Indian physicians took no interest in curing him of this disease. They neither touched his body, nor went anywhere near his bed. But, despite that Ya’qub Shah did not let despondency overpower him. He emphatically declared that his departing hour had not come. “It will be the Friday of Muharram, the day of martyrdom of Husain, the son of ‘Ali. At that time none of my true and affectionate friends should shed tears or lament my death. They should rejoice just as a friend rejoices on meeting his friend, because there goes the saying that “death is the bridge that links a friend with a friend.”
After he was poisoned, Ya’qub Shah found that the symptoms of death had begun to appear and with that he lost hope of his recovery, which led his friends and dear ones to utter loud cries of distress and agony. But he slightly blinked and held his tongue between his teeth – obviously in alarm and to express his disapproval of the lamenting and sobbing going on around him: he even spoke loudly against it. Then he closed his eyes once again. Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali quickly placed his one hand on his face and the other on his chin and managed to release his tongue from his closed jaw. He poured a few drops of sherbet down his throat. With that “the bird of his soul winged away from the cage of his body and made its lasting nest on the branches of the lote-tree (sadreh) in Paradise.”
[ verses ]
Kashmiri nobility breaks
Briefly speaking, the sagacious Muhammad Mir, who bore Ya’qub Shah’s unlimited affection was subjected to much harassment by the cunning Usta Lolo and Firaq Kashmiri. Unable to withstand these shocks, he soon followed Ya’qub Shah to the other world.
[ verses ]
Thus the nobles of Kashmir were completely wiped out. The aforesaid Usta Lolo made a submission to His Majesty that Kashmir could provide large revenue to the imperial treasury. If a revenue officer were appointed by His Majesty to make proper assessment, the possibilities of an increase in revenue could be reported to him. This resulted in the deputation of Hasan bin Shaykh’Umari and Qadi ‘Ali. the renowned revenue experts in the cadre of the imperial government, to Kashmir. According to the instructions from the imperial court, they came to Kashmir where they formulated their own system of levy and collection of revenue which were in the interests of the governing machine. They harassed and oppressed the people in many ways. Eventually the people were forced to join Mirza Yadgar, the brother of Mirza Yusuf Khan, and give a tough fight to Hasain Beg Shaykh ‘Umari, who was routed and overpowered, and he suddenly found himself cut off from his friends and supporters. Bare-footed and without a headgear, he wended his way through narrow and tortuous paths till he reached in the presence of Raja Rajpal. Qadi ‘Ali was slain in the vicinity of Kamelna [sic] fort and Mirza Yadgar was installed in the seat of government of that land.
The news of these detestable actions reached the Emperor who, followed by his victorious legions, set out to conquer that country. When Mirza Yadgar came to know of this, he marched out of the city of Kashmir (Srinagar) and, after ensuring the security of Konehbal route, took up his position in the village Hirpur. But suddenly, under some divine dispensation, as also under the good fortune of the king, Ibrahim Khan Ghakkar and Saro Beg Turkman, two employees of Yusuf Khan and presently in Mirza Yadgar’s combat forces, found an opportunity, during the hours they were keeping watch, to assassinate Mirza Yadgar. On account of the resultant chaos, most of his field commanders, like Mir Muhammad, Bahadur Malik, son of Idi Raina, and many others ran away in confusion in different directions. The army of that land could no longer remain united and the soldiers were reduced to such a state of demoralisation that, in order to earn their livelihood they had to approach the jagirdars for service.
Mutch Bhavan episode
Muhibb ‘Ali was one of the officials of Yusuf Khan who had been assigned military duties in the pargana of Dachhanpara and Khovurpara. He had made solemn promises and commitments to a group of local soldiers who had entered his service; he brought them collectively to Mutch Bhavan  spring under the pretext of recording their identity, and then put them all to the sword. In this way the blood of Musalmans was shed like the gushing waters of Mutch Bhavan spring. This is how he (Muhibb ‘Ali) invited perpetual torture in the world hereafter in return for petty gains of the base material world.
Lohar Chak killed
After this event, Qasim Khan Namgi [sic], on the advice of some local people, extended many promises and pledges of renewed friendship to Lohar Chak and his brothers and sons, and making them forget their sins and faults, brought them to his presence from Drav [sic] and then, ignoring his pledges and promises, had the whole group assassinated in the town of Sopor:
[ verses ]
After this event, Husain Chak, son of Shamsi Chak of Kupwara, in collusion with some people of the borders of Kashmir killed Jalil Beg. But later, through the treachery of Mulla Jamil Beg who gave him a false sense of security, he was lured into entering the service of Yusuf Khan. Thus, without apprehending danger, Lohar Chak entered his service. He even forgot what Muhibb ‘Ali did (at Mutch Bhavan) and entertained no fears in his mind. At last, Mulla Jamil found his opportunity, and in the village of Regipora “levelled his enemies to dust.” Prior to it, Husi Chak had died in an accident: he fell from his horse in the course of shikar and then never rose again.
Shamsi Chak, son of Daulat Chak, died in the province of the Deccan and his grave is at Burhanpore. His sons, Husain Chak and Zafar Khan, became sorely distressed and were almost out of their mind on account of the circumstances in which their kinsmen perished one after the other. And since they had been pining for the bracing climate of Kashmir, they left Hindustan and came to dwell in the highlands of Kamaraj and Maraj where they lived by lifting cattle and plundering the crops of local peasants.
After the death of Emperor (Akbar), the crown passed on to Jehangir Padshah. Ibeh Khan, son of Husain Khan, son of Ibeh Shah, Husain Chak, Zafar Khan and several others, in collusion with the governor of Tibet, whom they had persuaded to give them military assistance, raised a banner of rebellion against the imperial forces in the pargana of Lar, which continued for two months. By then the governor of Tibet found that they were disunited which made him change his mind. Besides he also found them overtaken by sloth, and he retreated to Tibet.
The group involved in the insurrection continued to be defiant at Sherkot, flirting with the idea of carving out an independent province for themselves. They became vain and indulged in rapacious activities, such as looting and plundering houses, property cattle and belongings of the peasants, and squandered their ill-gotten wealth in orgies of drink and dissipation. This resulted in a famine and dearness in that part of the land to an unimaginable extent. These people became totally indifferent to the presence of the imperial troops in their neighbourhood. Thus unmindful of the realities of the situation, they perpetrated acts of brigandage to their hearts’ content.
‘Ali Khan’s fate
The imperial troops had been biding time. When the opportunity came their way they rushed out of Sopor and attacked them on a dark night while they lay in deep slumber. Many of them were slain and their severed heads were sent to Kashmir [Srinagar] in a boat where they were piled up like a minaret to serve a warning to other insurgents.
Later on ‘Ali Khan, son of Husain Khan, sent Ibeh Shah and Husain Chak towards the borders of Kamaraj on the principle that “two swords cannot be accommodated in one scabbard.” Husain Chak thought it expedient to adopt a conciliatory attitude towards ‘Ali Khan for he could read the writing on the wall. Proud of his bravery, ‘Ali Khan, along with a body of … (illeg) called on Husain Chak to bid him farewell. But Husain Chak seized the opportunity and slew the whole group of soldiers accompanying him. ‘Ali Khan was taken prisoner and handed over to the imperial troops. But as he was being carried there, the Imaghats  came to know of the incident and put an end to his life in the village of Denwari. In order to chastise the Imaghats, Zafar Khan sent a contingent of foot soldiers and horsemen there and made a night-assault on them in the pargana of Adwan, leading to fighting and killing between them in the village of Door. A large number of Kashmiri soldiers on the side of Zafar Khan perished and he himself sustained wounds which forced him to abandon fighting and flee towards the jungle in the pargana of Biru.
This event was followed by the death of Muhammad Quli, the Governor of Kashmir, who had endeared himself to the people of that land. He was succeeded by ‘Ali Akbar Shahi  whose appointment was made under the orders of Jehangir Padishah. In the beginning, he took recourse to flattery, deception, and cunning and, through the instrumentality of Qadi Saleh, extended many promises and pledges to Zafar Khan, but with no sincere intentions. He told him that Muhammad Quli and his former officials had committed acts of maltreatment and rascality on the basis of religion. “But since I am a staunch Sunni and you too are one, God forbid that even the slightest act of ill-will prejudicial to your interests should occur from my side,” he said. In confirmation of this statement he swore by the name of venerable Four Friends  as well as the Companions of the Prophet of Islam.
Thus, through deception and perfidy, he brought that group of people to his presence, and got them arrested with the connivance of Mulla Jamil Beg. This was followed by a policy of mass punishment in the city. All those people who came across their way – soldiers, landowners, artisans, weavers, and others – from dawn to noon were butchered. Ten days later, Zafar Khan and seventeen young nobles were released from prison and handed over to Hatem Khan the landlord, who, in turn, despatched them to the other world. At the time of his death, Zafar Khan repeated the content of the verses:
[ verses ]
Habib Khan, son of Husain Khan, was killed by Husain Nayak. Yusuf Chak was placed in the custody of Ya’qub Shah only to perish after suffering a number of privations and tortures. Ali Khan, son of Yusuf Khan got Nowroz Chak killed by the son of Hatem Khan.
In short, all those seven budding youngsters who had yet to taste the fruits of life in the garden of this treacherous world, were totally uprooted by its pestilential gusts. They [the kinsfolk of Chaks] were humiliated and deprived of their name and identity, and forced to live a vagrant life in the streets and lanes of the locality of Rainawari. No one was even permitted to bury them [ when dead ]. However, the inhabitants of the locality, in order to avoid the stench of their putrid corpses, removed them to a potter’s kiln in the neighbourhood, and concealed them under mud and dust. The spheres mourned the tragic end of hose people by shedding tears in the shape of torrential rain and by giving out loud laments of lashing thunderbolts, so-much-so that it appeared like the clarion sound of Israfil calling the dead to rise:
Sher Afghan 
Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, was one of the warriors of that land. On the eve of Jehangir Padishah’s accession to the throne, he proceeded to his jagir at Burdwan under orders of the Emperor. A brave man, Sher Afghan by name, was a former jagirdar now living in comfort at that place. Qutbu’d-Di Khan, the Governor of the province of Bengal, had, as a sequel to his disagreement with and jealously towards that gallant man, reported to the Emperor that all the people in Bengal except Sher Afghan have submitted to the authority of His Majesty. Whatever orders there were from His Majesty about him [Sher Afghan ] would be carried out by him unhesitatingly. Forthwith orders were issued by the Emperor that Sher Afghan’s head be severed from his body and sent to the imperial court. On receiving these orders, Qutubu’d-Din proceeded to confront that brave man along with a contingent of two thousand soldiers. In spite of suspecting danger to his life, he [Sher Afghan] came out of his fort along with seventy or eighty horsemen to receive the governor formally. He had hardly come close to them when he understood the suspicious movement of Qutubu’d-Din’s troops and was convinced that their only intention was to kill him. Meanwhile the mahaut of Qutbu’d-Din manoeuvred his exasperated elephant in such a manner that Sher Afghan’s horse took fright and got out of control. Consequently Sher Afghan was forced to be on guard. He addressed Qutbu’d-Din in these words: “You commander of the Khans, what do you mean by this move ?” The aforesaid evaded a direct reply. Thereupon Sher Afghan’s companions spoke to him reproachfully in the Turkish language: “If there is anything of manliness and bravery left in you, what other occasion would you seek to put these to test?” On hearing these words, the brave man mustered heroic strength and made an assault on Sher Afghan. But with the first stroke of his sword, Sher Afghan chopped off his arm from his shoulder. The next stroke pierced his belly letting his entrails drop down in a lump. Thus ended the life of Qutbu’d-Din.
The next man who advanced to cross swords with him was Haidar Malik Chadura. He too sustained a wound in that battle and looked round to run for his life. Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal Khan, saw what was happening; he summoned his manliness and spurred his horse towards the pit. The two warriors came close to one another. On account of the presence of elephants on the battlefield, the horses of both the warriors found it rather difficult to stick to their positions. They were compelled to dismount and began fighting each other. Ibeh Khan, son of Abdal, took the lead and inflicted a blow on Sher Afghan’s face, cutting open half of his skull. But that valiant warrior, mustering whatever life and strength was left in him, made a counter-attack in which he embedded his sword like a spike in the belly of Ibeh Khan resulting in his instantaneous death. But Sher Afghan too died at the same time. The grave of Ibeh Khan is to be found beside the tomb of Bahram Saqqa in the village of Burdwan.
Yusuf Khan’s fate
Five to six months later, Yusuf Khan, son of Husain Shah, once mounted a she-elephant and proceeded on a stag hunt in Salim Abad area. But as God willed it, all of a sudden a wild and detestable buffalo appeared almost from nowhere on that hunting ground and made a violent charge on the elephant which, while fleeing, hurtled down its rider in the dense forest. He became a game for the brute and was killed.
In short, the nobles of this land could not be rescued either by friends or by luck from the whirlpool of death in India, and the sun of their career went down westward, far away in the horizon of oblivion:
[ verses ]
A few incidents pertaining to the commanders of that land, such as Husain Khan, son of Yusuf Shah, and others have not been recorded for being unwieldy for this brief account.
Aspersions on Governors
In short, such odious deeds resulted from Mirza ‘Ali Akbar Shahi’s ill-advised statesmanship in this land that a group of supplicants, seeking redress of their grievances, were forced to recount these to the courtiers of Jehangir. The Emperor became displeased and objected [to his misdeeds]. Mirza ‘Ali Akbar Shahi was dismissed as Governor of that land and the office passed on to Nawwab Qalij Khan. The administration of the State of Kashmir was entrusted to Haidar Malik Chadura and he was given freedom to run its affairs as he desired fit, so that people in Kashmir were meted out justice and equity under imperial rule. They were thus liberated from the onslaughts of their oppressors.
Haidar Malik eulogised
Haidar Malik took special care for the development and progress of these lands. He turned his attention to the economy of the country in a way that eatables like food grains, pulses, etc., were made available to the rich and the poor in plenty. The title of Chaghatai was conferred on him. He undertook the onerous task of ensuring public welfare and providing efficient administration to common people as well as the nobles of the land:
[ verses ]
In the course of these events, Raja Man Singh did on the seventh of Jumada al-Ukhra in the year [sic]. The chronogram commemorating the event of his death runs as this —
Abu’l- Ma’ali’s assignment
Miran Sayyid Abu’l-Ma’ali was in the service of Raja Man Singh for twenty-four years during the reign of Akbar. During this period he exhibited extraordinary feats of bravery, which is an inherent trait in the noble clan of Hashimites. He took active part in numerous battles fought against the enemies of His Imperial Majesty, from which he always emerged victorious with the grace of God. He lived his days in comport and pleasure enjoying trust and respect [of the Emperor] to a remarkable extent. After the death of Akbar, he, along with Haidar Malik, came to present himself before Emperor Jehangir.
Through his perceptive genius, Jehangir Padishah found in Miran Sayyid Shah Abu’l-Ma’ali merit and ability, bravery and dauntlessness and, therefore, extended to him special royal favours by conferring a high rank on him. He was allowed a jagir along with Sayyid Ibrahim Khan in the sirkar of Sindh and was permitted to proceed thither.
Miran Sayyid, himself a man of parts, conducted himself towards the learned men of Thatta in such a commendable way that they loved him more than their own selves. They considered his arrival in that land as nothing short of a providential boon and a blessing. The date of his arrival in the sirkar of Thatta has been found in the chronogram ‘abr-i rahmat amad nagehan’.
[ verses ]
The chronogram recording the date of completion of this chronicle is ‘Nameh-e Shahan-i Kashmir’.
1. Hasan writes that people of all ranks and positions in the city of Srinagar came out to receive Yusuf Shah at Barthana. Mulla Muhammad Amin Mustaghni found this apt verse of Hafiz by way of an augury:
Yusuf-e gamgashteh baz ayad ba kan on gham makhor
kulbeh-e ehzan shavad ruzi gulistan gham ma khor
Speaking about the second tenure of Yusuf Shah’s regime, Hasan writes that he strove very hard to eradicate corrupt practices [in matters of religion] (bid’at) which had taken root in earlier days. He paid visits to the graves of the saints and derived benefit from the company of the elderly Shaykhs. Once he visited Baba Hardi Reshi barefooted. THK. p. 315. Commenting on the same subject, Malik Haidar writes that unjust taxes imposed on some sections of people, were abolished by him. Corvee (begar) exacted from people by forcing them to proceed on journey without receiving remuneration was also abolished. Taxes on fruit-bearing trees and on craftsmen were also abolished. See TMH. MS. f. 72b.
2. This theme has been borrowed from Jami’s Lawayeh.
atiu’llah wa atiu’rrasul wa ulu’l amr minkum.
4. Husi Chak was captured in the pargana of Bengil, and Muhammad Khan in Baramulla by a thanedar. TMH. MS. f. 71b
dil-e pur dard-i man jann basan-e ghuncheh pur khun ast
chih berahmi na pursidi kih ahwal-e dilat chun ast
ba avsh kush kih ta chesh mizani barham
khazanat mi rasad-o nawbahar mi guzarad
man dar andesheh kih chun saveh kunam bar sar-i u
u dar an gham kih chisan mikanad az bonyadam
8. To Punjab in THK. p. 315.
9. After Yusuf Shah’s victory at Sopor, Haidar Chak escaped to Tibet. Later he appeared in Kishtwar and often fought against the local thanedars. After four years of wandering, he went to the Indian plains and appealed to Raja Ram Singh of Lahore for assistance. The Raja showed him respect and consideration and granted him a jagir in Nowshehra. See TMH MS. f. 72a.
10. Present Vutrus. See Rajat. vii. 1254; Vol. II, p. 467.
11. Raja Man Singh was displeased with Yusuf Shah for leaving his court without seeking formal permission from him. See THK. p. 318.
12. The chronicler does not tell us anything about the secret understanding that was between Yusuf Shah and Man Singh; there is a definite hint to the effect that there must have been some agreement between the two which Yusuf Shah appears to have violated. This points to a guess that perhaps the chronicler is deliberately withholding some information. By and large, he adopts the method of telling us about such secret deals and compacts, but never spells the terms of agreement.
kih gar kar bandi pashiman shavi
kih gar kar bandi pashiman shavi
14. Hasan says that the administration of Nowshehra and Bhimber was entrusted to him. See THK. p. 318.
15. Khwaa Qasim continued flattering Yusuf Shah. At one stage the latter got annoyed with him for flattering him and reprimanded him a number of times. See TMH. p. 318.
16. Malik Haidar writes that the names of Akbar’s emissaries to Yusuf Shah were Mirza Tahir and Saleh’Aqil. The contents of the letter they brought him from the Emperor were: “If you are relieved of the anxiety caused by the enemy, and if the domain has been occupied, you should present yourself at the imperial court.” See TMH. MS. f. 72b. But Hasan gives the extract from the letter as follows: Royal patronage and attention were given to you because the signs of sincerity and truthfulness were imprinted on your face. Since the time of your departure to Kashmir, no report about the affairs of the State has been sent to the concerned at the imperial court. Now that it appears that the insurgents have been subdued, it is desired that the report in question containing the facts be sent without any delay.” See THK. p. 319.
17. Fatehpore in THK. p. 319.
18. Malik Haidar says that Haidar Khan, the third son of Yusuf Shah and not Ya’qub Khan, the eldest son, was sent to Akbar’s court. The cowardly decision caused anguish to Kashmiri nobles and commanders who were reminded of the contents of the letter salvaged from the debris of Parihasapora after it was burnt by Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi. It said that after a lapse of one thousand and five hundred years, a man from ‘Iraq would destroy that idol-house …. During the reign of the Chaks, Kashmir would pass into the hands of the Chaghatai rulers. See TMH. MS. ff. 73-74.
19. The ancient name of Afghanistan.
20. Whether Ya’qub got the permission to leave Bahlool Pora is not clear, because subsequent details reveal that he had fled without seeking formal permission. See note 23 infra.
21. Yusuf Shah was exceedingly annoyed with the unbecoming behaviour of Ya’qub, and, in fact, wanted to get him arrested, but the nobles interceded for him. See THK. pp. 319-20.
22. Mirza Tahir in TMH. MS. f. 72b.
23. Here is a contradiction. Elsewhere the author says that Ya’qub left the imperial court after seeking due permission. Regarding Ya’qub’s flight from the imperial court, see also Akbar-Nama, Vol. III, p. 469.
24. There appears to be some confusion about which one of the three sons of Yusuf Shah was sent to Akbar’s court. Malik Haidar differs from the chronicler by saying that the first delegation was headed by Mirza Haidar Khan, the eldest son of Yusuf Shah. See TMH. MS. f. 73b.
25. Yusuf Shah received Hakim ‘Ali, the emissary of Akbar, with courtesy and was, in fact, inclined to present himself before the Emperor at Lahore. But he was dissuaded from doing so by his nobles. See THK. p. 320. Elaborating on this, Malik Haidar says that the nobles argued that even after a lapse of few centuries the effect of Zulchu’s incursion had not gone off completely. The Mughals could pose a greater threat to them. They added that by succumbing to the incursionists, they would risk the stigma of cowardice. For more details, see TMH. MS. f. 74b.
26. For Drang see Rajat. vii, 140M; Vol. II, p. 399. Hasan thinks that it was Kishanganga river which the Mughal troops had crossed. See THK. p. 322.
27. Hasan says that Yusuf Shah despatched Abu’l Ma’ali and Husain Chak via Khohvur route, and Shams Chak, Ya’qub Khan, Lohar Qurchi, Baba Talib Isfahani, Hasan Bhat, Hasan Malik Chadura and the feudal lords of Khakha and Buma clans together with a large force under their command to take up their position at Bulyasa. See THK. p 322.
28. The disaster which befell the Mughal army is subtly alluded to in the letter sent by Raja Bhagwan Das to Yusuf Shah through Shapur Khan. The extract reproduced from Akbar Nama says: However, even if the imperial troops have met with disaster as a result of the wrath of God Almighty, the great monarch will send back a hundred thousand troops and this land will be trampled under the feet of elephants. You ought to realise the consequences which your attitude will lead to. See THK. p. 324.
29. Hasan says that the Raja had laid down in the agreement that in case Yusuf Shah agreed to proceed to the imperial court along with him, he would be shown special favours and a robe of honour would be presented to him. He would also be assured of the governance of his kingdom and nothing would be reduced from his power and authority. These would remain the same as in the past. See THK. p. 324. However, Malik Haidar makes no mention of any commitment made by the Raja.
30. Malik Haidar states that Isfahani was not a Kashmiri. TMH. MS. f. 77a.
31. The plunderers were Khakhas (Khasas of Rajat.), See THK. p 325.
32. Hasan says that the Mughals initiated this move on the behest of Yusuf Shah. See THK. p. 325.
33. Hasan writes that Raja Bhagwan Das also arranged the marriage of Ya’qub Shah with the daughter of Mubarak Khan Khakhar (Ghakkar) See THK. p. 325.
34. Malik Haidar says that on reaching Pakhli, Yusuf Shah was put in chains till the Raja brought him to the presence of His Majesty. See TMH. MS. f. 77b.
35. From Attock, Yusuf Shah was sent to Lahore under the escort of Ram Das Kachhwaha and then he remained a prisoner of Raja Todar Mal for two years. Malik Haidar also states that afterwards when Raja Man Singh returned from Kabul, he interceded for him and succeeded in seeking his release from prison. See THK. p. 326, and TMH MS. f. 77b.
36. Present Achhabal in district Anantnag.
37. Naji Raina was the Zamindar of Bartal (Bal thal). See THK. p. 420.
38. Qadi Musa descended from Qadi Mir ‘Ali. His house was of the dispensers of justice in Kashmir since the days of Qadi Ibrahim.
39. Quoting Malik Haidar (TMH. MS f. 81a), and Muhummad ‘Azam (Waqat-e-Kashmir pp. 99-100), Hasan writes that the root cause of the tragedy was one Mulla ‘Aini who had persuaded Ya’qub Shah to get the sentence Ali waliu’llah incorporated in the Muslim call for prayer. But Qadi Musa, the upholder of Sunni tradition did not oblige him. He was, therefore, accused of collaborating with Shams Chak. He was martyred in the court and his dead body was tied to the tail of an elephant and dragged along the streets. As it reached near the door of his house, his mother covered it with a veil and thanked God for making him a martyr. At the end of the day there appeared a dreadful storm which brought hail and torrential rain of such an intensity that many pregnant women aborted and many children were killed by thunder. A thunderbolt which fell on the house of Ya’qub Khan paralysed the wife of Ali Dar and four women in the household. See THK. p 331.
40. Nobles such as Shams Chak, Malik Muhammad Hasan Chadura, and ‘Alisher Magray deserted Ya’qub Shah and proceeded towards the Indian mountains. However, they were dissuaded by Malik Muhammad Hasan from going onwards and turned back to Kashmir where, after seven days of sporadic fighting, Baba Khalil and Shaykh Hasan intervened to stop the fighting between the two groups. It was decided that the area beyond Sopor to the right bank of river Jhelum would be ceded to the nobles. However, the parties did not stick to the agreement, and Ya’qub marched at the head of a formidable force towards Sopor. His opponents did not feel that they were strong enough to resist him. See TMH. MS. f. 79b.
41. Among these were Haidar Chak and Shaykh Ya’qub. See TMH. MS. f. 79b. But Hasan gives the names Shaykh Ya’qub Sarfi and Baba Da’ud Khaki. See THK. p. 332.
42. Yusuf Khan Baihaqi in THK. p. 332.
43. Hasan’s revealing statement is that Baihaqi had to employ cunning and guile to get these things. See THK p. 333.
44. Present Kitshom, the site of ancient Krtyasrama Vihara, See Rajat. i, 147n.
45. Hasan writes that Ya’qub Shah’s action to release Shamsi Chak and Muhammad Bhat encouraged the masses to set on fire the khanqah at Zadibal, desecrate the grave of Shams ‘Iraqi and plunder the houses of the Shias. The destruction of the Shias continued for three days. See THK. p. 334.
46. majma’-e serat wa suluk
47. ‘Those areas’ refer to Kashmir. It appears that this portion of the chronicle was written by the author when he was outside Kashmir.
48. On Pir Pantsal route. See Rajat. i, 302n.
49 Keterbal/Kenzbal in TMH. MS. ff. 80a-81a and Kunehbal in THK. p. 334.
50. In pargana Ular. See THK. p. 419.
51. Gir in Hasan. The name of its Zamindar was Yusuf Shee. See THK. p. 419.
52. The mountain ranges of Naji Raina: this is not clear. Perhaps the name Nayak ranges also applies to the same mountain.
53. For more details see Ma’athiru’1-Umara, Vol. III, p. 258
54. This happened in A.D. 1586. THK p. 420n.
55. Gasu in Hasan. THK. p. 420.
56. For details see THK. pp. 420-21.
57. For details about Qasim Khan’s defeat by the Kashmiries, see TMH. MS. f. 83b and THK. pp. 422-23.
58. Salah-i ma hameh anast kan turast salah.
59. Hasan says that Ibeh Khan established contact with Prince Salim. He severed relations with Ya’qub Khan, and on the instance of Yusuf Khan proceeded to Delhi, where he became a courtier of Prince Salim. THK. p. 429.
60. Invariably the chronicler piles up details without providing linkages of any kind. In this case, it seems the possible link between the two sentences is that Yusuf Khan desired to continue staying on in Kashmir and, therefore, created conditions in which he could make himself look indispensable. That is why under various pretexts he started the policy of liquidating Kashmiri commanders.
61. In fact, Yusuf Khan had proceeded to the imperial court leaving behind his brother Baqir Khan in charge of Kashmir. His courtier, Usta Lolo Najjar made Baqir Khan apprehend an uprising and insurgency by the Kashmiri nobles, THK. p. 430.
62. It took place in A.D. 1587. For details regarding the route adopted by the royal entourage, repairs of bridges and hewing of boulders etc., see Akbar Nama, Vol. III, p. 537 et seq. Akbar’s arrival in Kashmir was an unprecedented pageant for Kashmiris who brought numerous presents to His Majesty.
63. Yusuf Khan Rizvi contrived to secure the orders of His Majesty to return to Kashmir.
64. This is quite an apparent error of logic.
65. makun ta tawani ba najins mel chu masti kih afi nihad dar baghal.
Also see THK. p. 436.
66. This sentence is rather evasive because as it is the stars of the Emperor could have no effect on him. The chronicler seems to suppress some vital information.
67. It has not been able to find out the terms of agreement between Akbar and Ya’qub Shah.
68. Present-day Biswak in Bihar.
69. Hasan writes that two revenue officers registered free lands as state-owned and decided to make cash payment of allowances to soldiers on account of fodder for their horses. This caused dissatisfaction to those who were in the habit of misappropriating state lands because they could not continue their corrupt practices. See THK. p. 436.
70. Ancient Matsya-Bhavan. See Akbar Nama Vol. III, p. 1084n.
71. For details, see Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. III, pp. 823-24.
72. Now Baba Shukuru’d-Din hill-top between Khuihama and Sopor. In ancient times, Raja Prahlad had built the Prateswara temple here. It was called Bosangari. See THK. p. 226.
73. Imaghan in pargana Aedwan. This pargana was rehabilitated by Raja Swarna (1245 Loukika) in which he ordered the digging of a canal called Sonehman. See THK p. 72 and 447.
74. For details see THK p. 450n, and Ma’athiru’l-Umara, Vol. III, pp. 355-57.
75. Four chosen companions of Prophet Muhammad, viz. Abu Bakar, ‘Umar, ‘Uthman and ‘Ali.
76. For more details about the story of Sher Aghan’s killing see Tuzak-i-Jehangiri, p. 55, TMH. MS. f. 95 and THK. pp. 462 et seq.
77. After the death of Raja Man Singh, Miran Sayyid came to Kashmir and was approached by many members of Chak clan. But ‘Etiqad Khan, the Mughal governor, sent him to His Majesty who ordered him to go to Sindh where he was provided a jagir of twenty-five thousand rupees. THK p. 481. This seems to be another example of Mughal diplomacy.
*** The End ***
A positive response from the Indian Council of Historical Research encouraged me to take up the translating of ‘Baharistan-i-Shahi’ from Persian into English. Many friends helped me in bringing this work to its successful completion. I am thankful to them. In particular, I am indebted to Prof. T. N. Dhar of the Department of English, University of Kashmir, for the pains he took in examining, revising and improving the English version. But for his untiring labour and patience and the long and late sittings he had with me, the work could not have seen the light of the day. Professor S. L. Pandit, former Head, Department of English, Kashmir University, graciously agreed to read the final draft and offer valuable suggestions.
I am thankful to Prof. N. N. Raina, formerly Head of the Department of Physics, Kashmir University, for his sustained encouragement and guidance during the course of my work and for agreeing to write a preface to it.
My sincere thanks are also due to Messers Firma KLM Private Ltd. of Calcutta whose staff worked hard to bring out the book within the shortest possible time. I am also thankful to the Government of India, Department of Education, Ministry of Human Resource Development, for the financial support they gave me for the printing and publishing of the work. Dr. Kashi Nath Pandita
Rajat. = Rajatarangini, tr. M. A. Stein, 2 vols. London, 1900.
Jonar. = The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, ed. Srikanth Koul Vishveshvaranand Institute, Hoshiarpur, 1967.
T.H.K. = Tarikh-i-Hasan Khuihami, Pir Ghulam Hasan, Vol II, RPD,* Srinagar 1954.
T.M.H. = Tarikh-i-Malik Haidar, Malik Haidar Chadora, MS. RPD. Acc. No. 39.
T.N.K. = Tarikh-i-Narayan Koul Ajiz, MS. RPD. Acc. No. 934.
Tohfat = Tohfatu’1-Ahbab, Anonymous, transcript copy RPD. Acc. No. 1155.
illeg. = Illegible text
MS = Manuscript
St. = Stanza
— = Omission in the text
… = Sentence incomplete
(tr) = Translation
trans. = Transcript
• A Gazetteer of Kashmir, Bates. C. E., Calcutta, 1873.
• A Literary History of Persia, Browne, E. G., 4 vols. London, 1902-1924.
• Ain-i-Akbari, Abu’l-Fadl, vol. I, tr. Blochmann, Calcutta, 1927. Vol. II & III tr. Jarett, Calcutta, 1948-49.
• Akbar-Nama, Abu’l-Fadl, tr. Beveridge, H., 3 vols. Calcutta, 1897-1939.
• Baharistan-i-Shahi, Anon. MS.
(a) I. O. 509.
(b) Br. Museum Add 16, 706
(c) Transcript copy RPD. Acc. No. 691.
• Buhler’s Report (Tour in search of Sanskrit MSS), Buhler G., R.A.S.B. Bombay, 1877. RPD Acc. No. 2080.
• Central Asiatic Journal, No. II (3), London, 1956.
• Dairatu’l-Ma’arif-i-Islami, vol. X. Lahore, 1973.
• J. B. R. A. S., London, 1861.
• Kings of Kashmir, Dutt, J. C., 3 vols. Calcutta, 1879-98.
• Kashmir, Sufi, G. M. D., Lahore, 1942.
• Kashmir under the Sultans, Mohibbu’l-Hasan, Calcutta, 1959.
• Kashmir Polity, Drabu, V. N., New Delhi, 1986.
• J. A. S. B., 1854, xxiii.
• Muntakhabu’t-Tawarikh, ‘Abdu’l-Qadir Badauni, 3 vols. tr. Ranking, Low and Haig, Calcutta, 1884-1925.
• Muntakhabu’t-Tawarikh, Narayan Koul ‘Ajiz, MS. RPD Acc. No. 934, 1193.
• Majmu’-at-Tawarikh. Birbal Kachroo, MS, RPD. Acc. No. 130.
1. Since the chronicle was one long narrative, it became necessary to divide it into chapters. There are eight of them, each dealing with a particular period or a particular ruling house. Care has been taken to ensure that minimum dislocation of events or their overlapping takes place.
2. As stated elsewhere in the introduction, translation of verses has been left out. Likewise superfluous titles and appendages to names, a practice very common to Persian historiographical style, have also been left out to make the account readable.
3. Effort has been made to reproduce the place names as correctly as possible; some deficiencies have still remained.
4. Transliteration of Persian/Arabic/Sanskrit words, names, phrases etc. has been done in accordance with the accepted system. (See the key to transliteration). Diacritical marks have been used wherever necessary.
5. Explanatory comments wherever necessary have been put in round parenthesis, but whatever was felt necessary to clear the textual ambiguities has been put in square brackets.
6. Blanks and erasions in the MS have been shown by the sign … in the English translation. Illegible words have also been indicated likewise followed by the abbreviation illeg.
7. Conversion of Hijra years into Christian years has been done on the basis of the Lunar year system of the Muslim calendar and not the Solar year system of the Iranians.
8. Qur’anic verses, which figure in the chronicle, have been rendered into English wherever possible.
9. Folio numbers of the MS and their corresponding printed pages have been given on a separate sheet.
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